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THE IRENIC PROGRAM AND ACTIVITY OF 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS 


OF 


r —- —, 

A DISSERTATION/ $31 » I j 
SUBMITTED TO THE FAC VZOT^S^J 
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE 
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 


DEPARTMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY 
IN THE DIVINITY SCHOOL 


BY 

MATTHEW SPINKA 

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 
JUNE, 1923. 























TAB IS OP CONTESTS 


Foreword, 
Chapter X* 
Chapter II. 


Chapter III. 


Chapter IV. 

Appendix. 


Bibliography. 


"Unitas Fratrum" and its Irenic Spirit. 

John Amos comenius: his Life and Place 

in the Movements of his Age. 

1. His Education and Early Literary 
career. 

2. The Period of Growth of the Reform¬ 
atory Ideals of Comenius. 

3. The Period of Elaboration of the 
Mature Plans of Comenius. 

Comenius’ Irenic Program and Activity. 

1. Comenius' Attitude toward the "Hon- 
'vangel leal" Churches• 

2. Comenius* Attitude toward the 
"Evangelical" Bodies. 

A. His program to the year 1637. 

B. Comenius* program for or Id 
Unity. From 1637 to his death. 

3. The Practical hdeavors of Comenius 
to realize his Irenic Program 

Evaluation of Comenius* Influence. 

1. His Place and Influence in History. 

2. Evaluation of Comenius* Irenic 
Program. 


A. The relation of Comenian "universal 
college" to similar ideas in other 
thinkers. 

3, Comenius* Call to the Presidency of 
the harvard College. 


Selected Bibliography 
A partial Bibliography of the works 
of comenius. 


pp.1-14. 

pp.15—72, 
pp.15-24. 
pp.24-62. 
pp. 63-72. 
pp.73-165. 
pp.75-91. 

pp.92-109 

pp.109-129. 

pp.130—165. 

pp.166-178. 
pp.166-170. 

pp.170-170. 

pp.179-187• 

pp.179-183. 
pp.184-187. 

pp. 188-194 
pp.195-198 












, 

. 

. . 

a* r: • t c x n 

* 

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* 


r ' • H la L' lj m. c 

. - I 




.• .-. 






► vl 







FOREWORD 


The present day witnesses a revival of the great Ideal 
of an organic union of Christendom* There are movements in 
almost all parts of Christendom which have for their objective 
the realization of this great dream of the ages* Much has al¬ 
ready been done to prepare the ground, and to say the least, 
earnest Christian minds everywhere are studying the ways and 
means of the problem* 

It is, therefore, not amiss to give renewed attention 
to similar attempts made in the past, and to study the programs 
of the great ironic leaders of history. Among these, there is 
one wnose Important irenic labors have been almost completely 
forgotten. And yet, he and his Church were among the earliest 
and most persistent advocates of the idea of union of Christen¬ 
dom, for the whole history of the "Unites Pratrura" and of the 
last bishop of the Bohemian branch of that communion* John Amos 
Coraenius, bear witness to it. The reason for the fact that 
hitherto no systematic presentation of this phase of Comenius* 
activity has been published seems to be that his fame as an 
education*! reformer and founder of the modern system of educa¬ 
tion eclipsed all other phases of his activity* Moreover, the 
sources w,ere to a large extent inaccessible, many of them being 
in the Czech language, with which but few scholars were ac¬ 
quainted. 


























This study Is presented In the hope that the real 
merit and contribution which Comenius made to the problem of 
the union of Christendom may receive its deserved recognition 



















"Unitas Pratrun" and its Irenic Spirit. 

Every effect has its corresponding cause; and in order 
to understand the effect fully one must have an intelligent 
comprehension of the causes producing it. Thus to understand 
the irenic ideals of John Amos Coraenius it is necessary to go 
back to the environment which nurtured him and from which he 
drew his inspiration. Hot that the sum total of the various 
influences which played upon Comenius would equal all that he 
represents, for in dealing with personalities the old dictum 
of arithmetic that one and one makes two does not hold true; 
it makes two plus. The personality, especially one of cre¬ 
ative genius, transcends the materials given it by inheritance 
or environment, and produces out of these rasterials a higher 
synthesis than a mere addition of the individual items would 
afford. Still, in order to discern just this creation of 
genius which is above and beyond the elements given by environ¬ 
ment, one must clearly understand how much has been given. 

John Amos comenius received his spiritual nurture in a 
church which throughout its history possessed and displayed 
the irenic spirit to a remarkable degree. "Unites Fratrum 
3oheI^lcoruln !, , under which name that church is commonly known, 
has a record of persistent striving after unity in essentials 
of Chr 1st lenity and of brotherly co-operation with the other 
Protestant bodies. This conciliatory, irenic spirit, so 
clearly manifested in the church of which Comenius was a mem- 



































. 

- 

. 



















- 2 - 


ber, could not fail to produce a predisposition in him to¬ 
ward the mission or peace which characterized his life* It 
will, therefore, be fitting and proper, if not indeed 
necessary, to become acquainted first of all with the Ironic 
spirit of the "Unites Fratrum'*. It must, however, of necessi¬ 
ty be only a brief treatment of the main features of this 
phase of the history of the church, and claims for itself no 
exhaustiveness or all-comprehensiveness. As soon as the fact 
that the ironic impulse which animated the Church of the 
Brethren came to its consummation in the labors of John Amos 
Comenius, is perceived, the object of this study shall have 
been attained* 

There ere many in Bohemia during the Hus it e wars who 
were dissatisfied with theattrerae fanaticism of the Taborites 
as well as with the half-hearted, timid measures of the moder¬ 
ate Prague party, the callxtinos* They were tired of the 
passions engendered by the long-drawn strife, and gladly turned 
an attentive ear to the gospel of peace and non-resistance 
preached by Peter oheleieky. Tills remarkable man taught a 
fundamental antithesis between Church and State, which was so 
pronounced that the ture Christian was forbidden to hold any 
connection with the state beyond that of submitting to it as 
to a necessary evil* All use of force in any form was like¬ 
wise forbidden. Thus ohelcieky recognised no just war, and 
condemned all attempts to compel men to change their faith 
by the exercise of force* On the other hand, all armed 
opposition in behalf of what may have been held to constitute 
the truth, was likewise forbidden. 




















■ 

■ 

. 







Thus he clearly enunciated the doctrine of separation of 
ohureii and otaie, and of liberty of conscience* (1) 

All these weary minds gladly welcomed the pacific 
and democratic teachings of Chelcicky. A little group of 
his followers soon gathered about their leader, Gregory, 
a nephew of the Utraquist archbishop of Prague, John 
Rokycana. In fact, the archbishop himself, by his denun¬ 
ciations of the existing evils and corruption of the Church, 
as well as by his express commendation of the writing of 
Chelcicky, at first encouraged the movement* (2) But later 
he abandoned tills attitude because of the pressure exerted 
upon him by the King, George of Podehrady, as well as on 
account of his desire to please the pope, from whom he 
hoped to gain recognition of his archepiscopal dignity. 
Consequently, persecutions of this little group broke out 
<1461; 1467-71), and finally the group was forced Into 

separation from the mother church. Tinder the leadership of 
Gregory, they organized themselves into a separate communion 
called "Unitas Fratrum". (1467), at Kunvald, in the extreme 

eastern Bohemia. Two years later they procured from the 
aldensian bishop Stephen the episcopal ordination for their 


(1) Cf. Chelcicky: Si€ viry Prav^. TCd* by E.Smetanka. Pratme 
1310. 

Also, Chelcicky: 0 Trojira Lidu. v "Svetova Knihovna",Uo.916-918. 
Also, Goll, Jaroslav: Jednota a Cesti Bratri XV.stol.,p.22-23; 

✓ , 38. 

Denis: Kenec 3a ostatnosti Cosine, I, p. 339-340. 

Gindely: Geschichte der Bohraiache Bruder, I, p. 15. 

<2) See Goll: op.cit.,p.66; also the original documents on 

p. 76. 









- 4 - 

clergy* This last act completed their separation from 
the Roman Church as well as from the Utraquists. 

The separation from the two officially recognized 
churches of Bohemia immediately brought forward the prob¬ 
lem of their relation to these bodies. Contrary to the 
attitude of many movements which separated from the Roman 
Catholic Church, the Brethren did not consider themselves 
the only true church wherein salvation was attainable. On 
the contrary, they held that they formed merely a part of 
the Church universal, and that they separated from the 
officially recognized churches of Bohemia on account of 
the corruption of the true Catholic faith and polity found 
in tnera. In one of their early official decretals we find 
the following statement in regard to their status: 

"In what does and should our unity and agreement with 
all the member of the holy Church consist? 

"In the confession of the Christian and apostolic 
faith, and in accepting the sacred writings of the Old and 

Hew Testaments for the foundation of faith and order".* 

And although in the matter of services and servants of the 
ministries of faith, and in the matter of salvation there 
is a great difference between us and the Romans and those 
who agree with them..........yet as far as the Christian 

catholic faith and the sacred writing are concerned, we 
affirm unity". (1) 

A little further on they say: .And thus 


(1) Gindely: Dekrety Jednoty Ceskych Pratri, p.ll. 





























believing according to the Holy rit in a holy Church, we 
do not hold that we alone compose the holy catholic Church, 
or that salvation is to be obtained only among us, or that 
we alone should be saved,*(1) 

Their discriminating attitude toward the Roman Church 
is further characterised in the official report of the by nod 
of 1534, as follows: 

“It is the general opinion of the Brethren of the Unity, 
confessed and recorded in the tract n About the church"(*0 
Cirkvi"), that the teachings of the Roman Church are of three 
kinds: some that are wholly evil, others where good and bad 
is intermingled, as, among others, the sacraments, they 
purged of the evil element, for it was not deemed wise to 
reject these doctrines outright. Thus the Brethren gathered 
themselves into the Unity for the purpose of using in holy 
fellowship those good tilings of the old Church which they in 
no wise rejected, as well as those formerly mixed of good and 
evil, which they purged. But they rejected all evil doctrines 
as far as they were known to them, and purged themselves of 
them completely," (2) 

Utraquists, whose special demands were recognized by 
the "Compactata", which were granted them in 1436 by the 
Council of Basle, differed very little from the Roman 
Catholics, In fact, their practical difference consisted 
merely in their separate ecclesiastical organization, known 


(1) Ibid, p«15« y , 

(2) Gindely: Dekrety Jednoty Ceskyoh Bratri P.150 




















U S. ;u i s* i.J io & yOlr At^ «4it 4 W , ( ,r I?3* 










. ■ ■ 





* «■ 










- ‘ i ,rsi - ri a?* C* v m r< «tl» nj ^ 





jj :v. V, • - : v > a 6 t*j DO 







- 6 - 


as the Lower Consistory", and in communing in both kinds, 
using both the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper. Perse¬ 
cution which the Brethren suffered at the hands of the 
Utraquists precluded for a long time any thought of friendly 
cooperation, even if the Brethren had been minded to enter 
into it. This hostility toward the Brethre , on the part of 
both state churches found its most pronounced expression in 
the mandate of King Vladislav, which was adopted in 1508 by 
the Diet as law of the land. By the terms of this law no 
"Plckhsrd" (as the Brethren were then officially termed, 
although it was considered a term of reproach) was to be 
tolerated within the limits of the kingdom of Bohemia. Thus 
the "Unitas Fratrum” was legally proscribed, and remained so 
throughout the sixteenth century. And yet in spite of this 
determined opposition it continued to increase gain ad¬ 
herents, due to the favor and effectual protection of many 
powerful nobles, who became either patrons or members of 
this communion. 

When Luther, after the Leipzig disputation with Kck, 
gradually came to see that the views he defended were 
essentially in agreement with those of Hus, and made his 
discovery public, this avowal gained for him many warm 
supporters in Bohemia. In fact, in 1522 Luther sent a 
letter to the Prague Utraquists in which he suggested that 
they cut themselves off from dependence upon the Catholics 
in the matter of priestly ordination and send their 
candidates for consecration to Germany. Both the Utra- 




, , 3 » 

.lie r ca '■! r 

a ri 3 r- *v.t c ^ K 





q^ists and the Brethren were favorably disposed to the 
new reforming movement in Germany. Indeed, henceforth the 
Utraquist party began a period of inner transformation which 
resulted in 1567 in the abrogation of the "Compact at a" as 
totally inadequate to meet the new situation, and in 1575 in 
the adoption of a Confession of Faith fully in accord with 
the "Augustana". Practically nothing remained of the old 
I traquism but its name, to which they clung in order to re¬ 
tain the legal protection for themselves; but in doctrinal 
formulation they were essentially Lutheran. In order to 
distinguish them from the old Utraquiats, it is advisable to 
speak of this transformed body as the Ueo-utraquists. 

The Unity of Brethren was undergoing a similar trans¬ 
formation. The leading spirit of this movement was John 
Augusta, who became the senior bishop of tlie Unity in lo47. 

It was his desire to transform the timid, other-worldly, 
retiring company of Christians of his church into aggressive 
loaders of the Bohemian religious life. The goal he 
8ought to accomplish by gaining the good-will of the 
leaders of the German reformation, and by consolidating the 
forces of the "Unites Fratrus" with the Lutheranized Utra- 
quists. Thus the resulting Bohemian Protestant Church would 
have been numerically, spiritually, and intellectually the 
strongest force in the nation. 

Luther, with whom the Brethren sought friendly relations, 

expressed himself most approvingly about their confession x*£ 

which was presented to him on two occasions. (1) Augusta was 

(1) liiidely: - ruelien zur Geschichte der bbhmischen Bruder, 

1858. p.32-35; 53. 



II -XCci 






oo 

. . 

.... no*--- i 'iMm ».? aurfr 










- 8 - 


°ne of the delegates who brought the Confession of 1535 
for Lother 9 s approval, and upon departure exhorted the 
delegation, sayings ^e ye apostles of Bohemia, while we 
will serve Germany. Serve as occasion presents itself, 
and we will likewise do as we may have opportunity." (1) 

This friendship of the Brethren with the Lutheran 
leaders bore fruit in 1546, when Xing Ferdinand was appeal¬ 
ed to by his brother. Emperor Charles V., to afford him 
military aid in the contemplated struggle with the Schraal- 
kald League, v.hen Ferdinand called for levies, these were 
not forthcoming? the small continent which was gathered 
was so intractable and disobedient that the king was 
finally obliged to disband his useless army. The next year 
the king again ordered mobilization, but this time without 
consulting the Datatea. Tala act of absolutism was spirited¬ 
ly resented by the nobles, among whom the Brethren were of 
considerable prominence. The opposition grew into an organ¬ 
ized revolt, which convened a Diet against the express 
order of the king, and collected an army for the relief of 
the German Protestants. 

But the disastrous defeat of the Schmalkald League at 
Muhlberg (April 24, 1547) caused the opposition party to 
throw itself at the feet of the King to sue for mercy. The 
punishments meted out to the party fell heaviest upon the 
cities and the Unity of Brethren . In faot> tho latter „ 8a 

(1) Gindely; Quellen, p.54; there is some question when the 
words were actually spoken. Lasitius reports them with the 
last visit of Augusta to Luther, in 1542. 

See also De Schweinitz: The History, p.252. 




> i x , 






■ .1 Caat 




. 

^©*5 *t . 

... - 











again proscribed, The exiles found homes in various 
Gauntries, many of them settling in Poland, where they 
founded an independent branch of the 51 Unit as Fratrum" • 

Bishop Augusts was imprisoned and kept in confinement at 
Castle KMvoklat for sixteen years. 

Thus it happened that the plans of Augusta failed, and 
in fact found vigorous opposition even from within the 
Unity itself. Leader of this opposition was found in John 
Blahoslav, whose program had in view not an amalgamation 
with the "eo-TjltraquIsts, but the gaining of legal recogni¬ 
tion for the "Unites Pratrura” itself* ith that goal in 
view Blahoslav carried on negotiations with Pfauser, the 
Protestant chaplain of Emperor Maximilian II* It was 
quite openly rumored in regard to the Emperor that as 
crown-prince he had been most favorably inclined to Protest art- 
ism, and thus there seemed to be sufficient reason to hope 
that when he ascended the throne he might grant Bohemian 
Protestants religious liberty. 

However, from political considerations, Maximilian did 
not deem it expedient to accede to the wishes of the 
Protestants. Consequently, they were faced with a graver 
problem than ever before* As already mentioned, the 
"Compaetata", which were formerly regarded as the Magna Charts 
of the old Utraquism, were abrogated in 1567, and with them 
the Heo-Utraquist party lost the old legal rotoction, while 
the n Unitas rstrum 3 n ver lied it. It was plainly in the 
interest of both parties to gain a legal recognition together* 



'pa r: «a 










. 












. i p 




* 









». s ' • : A 

* 

« •< * 




















ith tills alia in view the Diet of 1575 undertook to settle 
the religious question. The Catholic members of the let 
ave assurance that they would abstain from all Interference. 
The nobles of the ilty now had to choose between the program 
of Augusta or that of Blahoslav. Finally they decided to 
follow a middle course. hen a new confession of faith, 
known as "Confessio Bohexaica*, was prepared by the lieo-IJntra- 
quists, the rethren did not sign it, but in the preface ex¬ 
pressed their full approval of the main articles of trie symbol, 
and prayed for equal recognition with the Neo-Utraquists. 
FUnperor Maximilian gave a solemn verbal promise to recognize 
this Confession as within the protection of the law, but did 
not grant a written concession to that effect, and his deeds 
almost immediately contradicted his verbal promises. His 
successor, Rudolph, who at his election as Bohemian king had 
bound himself with the same promise as his father had done, 
broke his vow to such an extent as to renew, in 1602, the 
old persecuting edict of Vladislav, which gave freedom to no 
one but the Roman Catholics and the old Ultraqulsts. This 
brought about a spirited opposition on the part of the 
Protestant nobility, who by a combination of favorable cir- 
sumsiancos and the indirect aid extended them by the invasion 
of Bohemia by king ’Matthias, succeeded in 1609 in obtaining 
from Mm per or Rudolph the famous "Letter of Majesty". (1) 

By the terms of tills document, which granted complete 
liberty of conscience to the adherents of the "uonfessio 

(1) See Gindely: Geschichte der B.B., II, p.447-454* 










. 

3 













































- 11 - 


Bohemiea " of 1575, the dream of Augustus was in a large 
measure realized, the Brethren now gave up their separate 
confessional standard and accepted as their own the Bohemian 
confession along with the l!eo-Utraquiats. Moreover, they 
accepted the general oversight of their body by the Utra- 
qi ist Consistory, on which they were represented by a senior 
and two priests. lowever, they retained their own ecclesi¬ 
astical order and usages, as well as their own church govern¬ 
ment. Thus the priests of the Unity continued to be ordained 
and disciplined by the seniors of the unity. In other words, 
the Unity was permitted to form an "ecclesiola in ecclesia", 
an organization that was self-governing with the exception 
of matters which belonged to the Consistory; they held to 
their own disciplinary system, polity, and church government, 
but were bound to the utraquists by the ties of a common 
Confession of Faith. Thus in the estimation of the Brethren, 
they were confederated with the Utraquists, but did not 
cease to exist as a Church. This peculiar relationship, 
somewhat like that which the states of the American union 
sustain to the federal government, was one not without its 
peculiar dangers. In fact, it was generally regarded by the 
Keo-Utraqulsts with suspicion. 

All that remains to be considered now is the attitude 
of the Brethren to the other large Protestant body, the 
Reformed or Calvinistic churches. Excluding the Zwinglians, 
whose teaching regarding the Lord*s Supper as a mere emorial 


, ' > & 

. 

. pi 




- 12 - 


was regarded by the Brethren as erroneous (1), the mutual 
relations were most cordial. In fact. It Is In this rela¬ 
tion of the Brethren to the reformed churches that the 
real irenlc spirit of the Unity, was most clearly In evidence 
They laid chief stress upon practical Christian life, or 
"applied Christianity" as one might say, and not on dogmatic 
precision. That was the reason why the dogmatic teaching of 
tht Unity underwent constant changes, because it was not 
considered once for all complete. Moreover, they laid stress 
upon the funds entals of Christianity, which in their estima¬ 
tion could be stated in such a way as to include both 
Lutheran doctrine of 'ubiquity or the absolute predestination 
of the Calvinists. All this made it possible for the 
Brethren to be on good terms with both the major Protestant 
parties, and to strive to bring about mutual recognition, 
if not indeed an organic unity, of all the parties concernod. 

The Brethren entered into negotiations with the Calvin¬ 
ists for mutual recognition as early as 1540. (2) The 
representative whom bishop Augusta sent to Strassburg, re¬ 
ceived from Bucer, Calvin, and other reformers a most 
cordial reception and a favorable reply. Bucer wrote to 
Augusta: "Ich kann von eueh sagen, dass es euch allein 
gegluckt 1st mit dor reinen lehre in Eesitz einen trefflichen 
Disciplin zu seln. yergleiche lch euren /lustand mit dem 
unsrlgen, so muss ich mlch fur uns schamen." (3) 

{ 1) Cii*leiy ; iesebiciite, I , p. 192j also » c*meniu s: 

Ohla£eni, in Ve£ker6 Spisy, XVII, p.308. 

(2) See the original report in Gindely, Quellen, p 58-71. 

(3) Bee Gindely: Quellen, p.42 






■ 




. t 
















- 13 - 


. s the ittenberg theologians grew increasingly bigoted 
in their insistence up>n the special doctrines of Lutheran¬ 
ism* in order to ward off any suspicion of Crypto-Calvinism, 
the Brethren were corapelled to turn to the Reformed churches 
more and more* They began to send their students to the 
Reformed schools in increasing numbers, and these students 
upon return naturally exerted influence in favor of the Re¬ 
formed party* Comenius himself, for instance, was sent to 
the Reformed School of Herborn, and later studied at Heidel¬ 
berg* But even without these considerations the Brethren 
found themselves in greater accord with the Reformed than 
with the Lutherans; they both laid stress upon discipline, 
and in their teaching concerning the Lord’s Supper the 
~retaren stood nearer the Reformed than the Lutherans* 

From the foregoing sketch it is apparent that the 
Brethren strove persistently to uphold a policy of fraterniza¬ 
tion and of mutual recognition among the warring major 
Protestant parties. This they did at the risk of being 
charged with inconsistency, and of trying to be all things 
to all men. That charge, however, was not valid from the 
point of view of the Brethren* Stressing fundamentals 
only, and placing emphasis upon life rather than dogma, they 
felt that all major Protestant parties were essentially one. 

At any rate, they valued peace and unity above niceties of 
dogmatic statements. 

It was this atmosphere of invigorating, practical, un- 
dogmstic, one might almost say pietistic Christianity, that 


. •: v hi x v' 

... 






- 14 - 


Coraenius breathed since his childhood. The traditions of 
his church fostered in him an attitude of glad recognition 
of all who held to the fundamentals of Christianity, He 
was indeed keenly appreciative of the special and distinct¬ 
ive features of his communion - the church government and 
strictness of discipline—and valued them highly. But he 
was not blind to the larger interests of Christendom which 
might be attained by cooperation or even uaiori with other 
Protestant bodies, and as a result, the irenic spirit of the 
"Unitas Fra trura*’found in him its classical expression. 


























































































































































































. 





























































































































- 15 - 


CHAPTER II 

JOHN AHOS CO!’SKIDS: HIS LIFE AND PLACE IN THE MOVEMENTS OP 

HIS AGE* (1) 

1* His Education and Early Literary Career. 

John Amos comenius was not only a representative pro¬ 
duct of his Church, but was a child of his age as well. He 
received a wider education than his own Church could afford 
him, at the famous Reformed schools at Herborn and Heidel¬ 
berg, and the moulding influences of these German Institu¬ 
tions of higher learning served to broaden his outlook and 
his sympathies. By his educational activity later on he be¬ 
came a part of the educational and reform movements of the 
seventeenth century, and played in them a most distinguished 
role. He became associated with many of the most dominant 
leaders of these movements, whose places of abode ranged 
from England to Sweden, Germany, Transylvania and Switzerland. 
These men were Influenced by him, and he, in turn, was 


(1) It is regrettable that so many biographies and biograph¬ 
ical sketches of Comenius in English are in many 
particulars inaccurate, or in some details wholly wrong. 

s a typical example of his assertion can be cited the 
unsigned article “Comenius* in the eleventh edition of 
the n Encyclopaedia Britannica‘ VI, which contains, be¬ 
side some inaccuracies, even such a blunder as that the 
"Pansophiae irodroraus* was published In 1650 at Li 3 sa. 
The date of Comenius* death is generally given—with 
but few exceptions—as occurring on Nov. 15, 1671. The 
correct dote is Nov. 15, 1670. The present biographic 
skotc.. is based mostly on reliable Bohemian and German 
secondary authorities with a very considerable use of 
source material. 





. 

r .; x'- - . - ^ •« ' 


la -. ,-r^v i .M* s-?J '<x*fci»*ee 



- 16 - 


af fee ted by them. This was a truly reciprocal process, 
and whoever wishes to understand the development of eomen- 
ius* life, must become acquainted with this interplay of 
Influences. Moreover, since his program became unified into 
one great "Pansophic" scheme of universal education, by which 
he hoped to attain all his various reform projects, no one 
can understand a part of his program—such as was comnrised 
by his ire.iic activity—without having a clear idea of its 
coherence with the whole of the scheme. Gononius himself 
tells us what he expected of this unified program in that 
book which sums up his judgment of his life-long endeavors, 
the "Uuum lleceasariura". He was led "to consider and to hope 
that it would be easier to heal the whole than a part; to 
give the whole body a common medicine, than to apply a 
plaster only to the head or foot or side". 

Any attempt to portray this unified program of Comenius, 
and his place in the various contemporary reform movements, 
must of necessity be brief. For an exhaustive treatment the 
reader must be referred to special literature dealing with 
the various phases of comenius* activity. 

John Amos Comenius (properly Komonsky) was born of well- 
to-do parents at Uhersky Brod in Horavia, on I .arch 28,1592.(1) 

(1) The birthplace of Comenius is still a subject of some 
doubt, if not of controversy. Such a recognized 
authority on Comenius as Prof. Jan Cvacala of Bratislava 
still leaves the place undetermined between Hivnice and 
Chersky Prod. (See :;va£ala: J. A. Koraensk^, Prague,1921, 
p.2.) But? another authoritative investigator. Dr. J.V. 
Novak of Prague, in his "Jan Amos Komensk^. Jeho sivot 
a spisy, praha 1920, p.6, states positively that Chersky 
Brod was the birthplace of Comenius. It may be added that 
the latter position is fast becoming the generally 
accepted one. 



























, 




, 

Xtr*)* * V* 

















. feri «p : '* • 














- 17 - 


He lost both of nia parents early and was cared for by his 
father’s sister, who lived in the village of Straznice. I: 
was there that he received the rudiments of education, and 
experienced the hardships which he later set himself to re¬ 
move, (1) After the burning of this village by some 
marauding Hungarian hordes, the young Conenius was sent, 
when sixteen years of age, to the Brethren’s Latin school 
at Prerov. This school was under the direction of Bishop 
Lanecius, whose gen 1 2 vine esteem and lasting friendship 
Comenius soon won for himself. There is no doubt that the 
good bishop’s reecdomendation gained for him an aid from the 
lord of the city, count Charles Sn. , of erotin, who in 
1608 had become the supreme vice-regent of Horavia. Thus 
the young student was enabled to continue his studies at 
tne famous Reformed Academy at ilerbom in Nassau, where he 
matriculated in 1611. This Academy earned for itself a 
fair fame all over Germany, and even such an authority as 
Tholuck esteemed it the most important among the seventeenth 
century Reformed xlgh-schools of Germany. (2) It boafeted 
such famous theologians as John Fischer (Piscotor), the 
great biblicist, and John Henry Alsted, who in spite of 
his youth was held in the highest esteem throughout Furope 

(1) Didactica U agna, chap. xi. 

(2) go Tholuck: kad. * .ebon, II, p.303, cited in Hebe: 

Comeniu3* Studienzeit in Uerborn, in M.C.G*, HI, p. 

78ff. It was a Reformed school, not Lutheran, as 

Graves erroneously states in his "Great Educators of 

Three Centuries*, New York, 1912, p*28. 










. v. •.r,,- it*! I 

















on account of his thorough and wide scholarship and 
literary labors. Mated exercised a potent influence over 
. Onenius, who was only four years younger than his pro¬ 
fessor, and gave his pupil a predisposition toward deeply 
Christian encyclopaedic learning which characterized his 
whole subsequent career. (1) The two men cooperated in 
their reforming endeavors throughout life. In a disputation 
which was held under Aisled*s presidency, comenius addressed 
him "professor era sollertissimum, praceptorem smart carissiraum 
multumque honorandum"• (2) Alsted taught philosophy in 
sympathy with the views of the well-known anti-Aristotelian, 
peter Ramus, and that made Comenius a determined anti-Aristote¬ 
lian. Of course, in theology both Alsted and Piscator were 
Calvinists of the German-Reforrned-School type. Piscator*s 
biblical emphasis strengthened comenius* faith in the 
Bible as the only rule of faith and life, so that the Bible 
became to him the highest raorra in all things. He also re¬ 
quired here his ardent chiliastic leanings, as he himself 
expressly 3 tated in one of his last polemical writings. (3) 
After two years of study in the Herborn schools, 

Comenius spent another year at the University of Heidelberg, 
whero David Pareus ( angler) had acquired for himself and 
his school an enviable celebrity. The deep impression which 
pareus made upon the young student may be gauged by the 
fact that Comenius afterwards mentioned him among those 

(1) Kvaeala: Die paedagogische Reform des Comenius,II,p.130. 

(2) Veskere Spisy Komenskeho, I, p.23. 

(3) The passage occurs in ”De zelo sine scientia", lf>S9j of. 
yovak, J.A.Kamensky, p.26 




* 

■ 

• *3 -.r 

. 






■ ■ 








-19- 

teachers "quorum memoria in benediction© sit".(l) This man 
was the outstanding irenic writer of his time, his house, 
w Pareanum", serving as the center for those who worked for a 
re-union of the Protestant forces, -to published in 1614 a 
book ontitled "Irenicum aive de unione et synodo evangelicoruin 
concilianda liber votivus, pact ecclesiae et desideriis 
paeifieorum dicatus." In it he upheld the thesis that the 
©formed and Lutheran symbols of faith agree in all important 
essentials, while minimising all differences between them as 
unimportant. But he was not satisfied with this theoretical 
unity. He went on to suggest a general synod of the 
evangelical bodies to be called by the German Protestant 
princes in co-operation with the kings of Denmark and England, 
in order to work out an actual organic union between the two 
bodies. Moreover, he outlined the questions to be discussed 
at this synod, as well as the mode of procedure. While this 
meeting was pending, he advised all parties to live in 
mutual friendship. 

Thus Comenius came at Heidelberg into close contact 
with an outstanding irenic leader, an occurence which cer¬ 
tainly exerted a mighty influence upon the shaping of his 
own career. In fact, such a prominent and trustworthy 
scholar as Kvacala thinks it possible that the eighteenth 
chapter of the "Irenicum", which dealth with the history 
of the Bohemian ecclesiastical confederation of 1609, had 

(1) See Kvacalo: Eorrespondence Kora., I, p.196. 



. 







. . ‘ s aq 

















- • '-V. 



- ' t"t f 





















- 20 - 


been written by Comenius, while Novak contented himself with 
saying that it must have been written by some Bohemian. (1) 

In the spring of 1614 Comenius, having richly profited 
by his three years of higher studies in Germany, returned 
home on foot, digressing from his way to visit Holland. 

Upon his return he became a teacher in the school of 
Prerov, where ho himself had been first introduced to the 
study of Latin. He was too young to be ordained a priest, 
and the two years spent in academic labors were a fit prepara¬ 
tion for the office which he later assumed. His eagerness 
to serve his nation in a worthy manner impelled him to under¬ 
take a work which was colossal in its conception. It was to 
be an encyclopaedia containing information concerning all 
things from the creation to the end of the world, "in quo 
omnes res ita descriptae exstarent, ut homines nostri, quacum- 
que de re inforsoat ione opus esset, domi earn habere possent, 
bibllothecarum epitomi instruct!". (2) This work, "Theatrum 
universitatis rerum", was never completed, and only a 
fragment has been preserved. (3) Thus he soon began to play 
the role of a teacher, but during this early period his 
energies were to be spent primarily in benefiting his own 
nation. Besides this work, he made a small beginning of 
his educational reformatory career by publishing in Prague 
his "Grammaticae fanilioris praecepta" (1616) for the 

(1) See Novak: J. A.Kamensky, p.29 

(2) Patera: Korrespondence K ora., (1892) p.233. 

(3) veskere Spisy Kom., I, p.50ff. 








• , ' 

• . i 

. • J. > ::A 

«V ’ll ' ■ 

« 















- 21 - 


purpose of Biking the study of Latin easier, it this 
work we know nothing save the mere fact of its publication. 

hen in 1616 Comenius was ordained a priest of the 
"Unity", he gave himself wholly to his office. (1) In 1618 
he became castor of the parish of Fulnek, which was among 
the most important churches of the Unity in Moravia. He 
was also given control of the local school of the Brethren. 

It was at this tine that he married his first wife. His 
activity was most varied and beneficial, and judging from 
the local tradition which long survived till it was recorded 
In the beginning of the nineteenth century by a local 
chronicler (2), Gomenius made for himself an enviable reputa¬ 
tion by his gentle nature, so that it became a conmon saying 
that the "Lempelhirt" had no gall. 

But this peaceful and beneficent activity of Comenius 
at Fulnek was rudely iiaterrupted by the outbreak of the 
Thirty Years* ar. Moravia was repeatedly invaded by the 
contesting armies, and in 1621 Fulnek fell prey to the fury 
of the Spaniards who burned the city. Comenius fled from. 
Fulnek "among the first" (3), leaving his wife behind on 


(1) "Quia vero raox (aetatis anno 24) ad ecclesiae - inisterium 
vocatus eram, divinumque lllud: Hoc age 2 prae occulis 
erat, 3 Cholasticae curae sponendae fuerunt’'. Voskere 
Spisy, I, p.374. 

(2) Jaschke, Felix: Fulnecker Chronic Oder Quodlibot* 13 vols. 
For extracts, containing seven letters presumably written 
by comenius to the canon regular of the local convent, Karl 
Joseph eldemenn, see Patera: ''Correspondence :on., 
p.287-293. 

(3) Comenlus himself says so in his letter to IContanus: 

X pulsus ab ecclesia ice a raox inter primes, anno 1621..." 
Patera: Korrespondence Kean. , p.234. 








- 22 - 


account of her condition of expectancy, ile found refuge, 
along with many other priests of the Unity, on the 
Bohemian estates of their nob e co-religionist. Count 
Charles of &erotin, at Brandys nad Orlici. 

During the subsequent years of grave danger, when 
Protestant ministers of all denominations had been ordered 
out of the country, and thus those who remained in the land 
were exposed to the danger of discovery and death, Cornelius 
turned his mind anxiously to the Bible and works of devo¬ 
tion, seeking consolation. He was not spared private 
sorrow over the death of his wife and children, who died 
of a pestilential plague. Tills led him to write a number 
of treatises of devotional and inspirational character, one 
of which became the best loved and best known of his 
popular writings. (1) This was his deathless allegory of 
the "Labyrinth of the arid and Paradise of the Heart", 
which can justly be compared in popularity and influence 
to Bunyan’s Progress. Hext to the Bible, it became the 
most highly valued possession of the exiles, leaving be¬ 
hind the country of their birth, their estates and homes, 
they 3ang: 


(1) The writings composed during this period wore: 

*Premyslovani o dokonalosti krestanske" (Thoughts 
concerning > hristian perfection); "wedbbytedlny hrad 
jmdno Hospodinovo" (The impregnable castle, lame of 
Tod); "Truohliv^* * I & II (The Sorrowful}} "Labirynth 
Svfrta a Srdee", All are found in Veskere Spisy 
Kom., xv. The last book is translated by Count Lutzow 
as 'Labyrinth of the or Id and Paradise of the Heart." 
London, 1901. 



. • . '.Jl ■ - ■ 

ik ■ * . j 

. 

' 

3 


■ 

. 








- 25 - 


"Nothing liave we taken along 
All Into flames hurled. 

But the Bible of Kraiice 
nd Labyrinth of the or Id.” 

The book became so exceedingly popular because it spoke to 
the hearts of the exiles and pointed to them the only 
source of comfort in their sad pli^it—the treasures of an 
inner communion with God. It represented a Pilgrim who 
after hawing travelled over the whole world and inquired 
Into all things found them all vain and unsatisfactory. 
Finally, in the anguish of his soul he was led into his own 
heart, wherein he found Christ and with him the true peace 
and blessedness. 

r uch has been said about the sources which Comenius em¬ 
ployed in the composition of this book, for he was dependent 
upon others to 3ome extent in this case as well as in the 
case of some of the other books mentioned. It is a fact 
well established that in ,f The Labyrinth” Comenius made use 
to some extent of John Valentine Andreas 1 s "PeregrInI in 
patria errores", while the second part, *Paredlea of the 
;eart M echoes Andreae f s n civis chrisii&nus, sive peregrin! 
quondam errentis restItutlanes". Beside these, many other 
writings of the sa> e author furnished Comenius with some 
minor details of his great allegory; in fact, in some 
places, he seems to have incorporated parts of his model 
verbally, while throughout there are allusions re inieoent 
of Andrea©. Yet in spite of this, the work of Comenius 
as a whole Is not a slavish Imitation, but an original 


c r - • ; 

»aolcf | 

a,. * al J .. sX-^si®* XXo» < 







-24- 


e opposition, a reworking of older materials in a truly 
creative fashion. (1) The influence of Andreas upon 
Gomenius * later life continued tiiroughout, as will be 
pointed out later* (2) 

In 1624 Gomenius married his second wife p the daughter 
of John Cyrill, bishop of the "Unity” and a member of the 
Utraquist Consistory, who, together with the administrator 
of the consistory, crowned Frederick of palatinate the king 
of Bohemia, hut Gomenius* stay In Bohemia was destined to 
be of snort duration. After the publication of the royal 
’’Renewed Regulation of the Band” in 1627, which ordered 
the nobility as well as the rest of the inhabitants of the 
kingdom to accept Catholicism within six months or to 

leave the country, the protection afforded the priests of 
the "Unity” by Charles herotin could be maintained no 
longer. As a result, after a period of hiding on the 
estates of Baron ueorge cadovsk^ of hloupno, which wero 
situated near the sources of Elbe, this persecuted band 
finally loft the country in the early months of 1628. 

2. THE PERIOD OP GROWTH OF THE REFORMATORY IDEALS OF 

COMSHIUS. 

Before the exodus of the pastors and people of the 

(1) For a discussion of Gomenius* dependence upon Andreae, 
see Dr. J • V. Novak's preface to "The Labyrinth of the 

or Id" in Veskere Spisy .on. XV, p.183-187; also Tovak: 
J. A. Komensky, p.7o-80. 

(2) of.Keller, L.; Johann Valentin hidreae und Jomenius. 

F.C.G., I, p.229ff. Also Radlsch, 0.: ; er Protest des 

Gomenius gegen der vorwurf, er seln ein Sekclerer, 
beleuchtet avis den Beziehung Andreaes zu H&rnbarg. 

M.G.3*,11, p.!27ff. 



















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■ 





































”Unity 1 took place, an accidental finding of Elias Bodin’s 
Didactic turned Comenius* thoughts back to his earlier 
attempts at pedagogical reform, and thus started him upon 
the career of an educational reformer- Accompanied by a 
friend, Comenius once went out to look over the celebrated 
library belonging to iilvar of Bilberstein. There they 
found a German copy of Bodin’s Didactic published in 1621, 
a work of no great importance in itself. But it gave 
Comenius an inpetus to write for his own nation a systematic 
exposition of the laws and methods of correct pedagogics. 

He immediately set to work upon this task, although it was 
not completed until in Lissa, in Poland, where he found 
refuge after leaving Bohemia in 1628* He did not, however, 
publish this work i: mediately, but kept on improving and 
enlarging it, expecting with certainty an early return to 
tlie homeland. This belief was first awakened in him by 
the prophecies of Christopher Kotter of Sprottau in 
Silesia, and of Christina Poniatowska, an orphan cared 
for in Comenius* family, both of whom prophecied a speedy 
victory of the Protestant cause, and a restoration of the 
exiles- nut these hopes wera not realised, in spite of 
the temporary success of the axon armies during their 
invasion of Bohemia in 1631. Thus womenius did not find 
it possible to publish the original Bohemian version of 
his "Didactic” * Therefore in 1636-37 he reworked it into 
a Latin version, and as such it was published in the 
first volume of his "Opera Didactics Crania" in 1657. 













* 










' 







- 



■ 












• 


• 




• 








-26- 


I^ven though the actual publication or the work places 
it in a later period of comenius* life, yet the principles 
there enunciated guided his whole pedagogic activity in 
the meantime. Therefore it will not be amiss to consider 
it in this place, in his *Didactica agna 1 (1) Comenius 
formulated the first practicable school method in which the 
Baconian principles of induction were applied. In it he 
placed the chief emphasis on the proposition that education 
should follow the natural development of the child, adapt¬ 
ing the subject matter of Instruction to the capacity of 
the child, and proceeding, from the simple to the complex, 
from the known to the unknown. He plead for a gentle 
discipline, stressed the vernacular, and emphasized study 
of realities rather than the theoretical or purely humanist¬ 
ic studies then in vogue* 

The whole period of school-instruction was to be 
divided into four cycles of six years each. The first 
period was "The School of Infancy”, up to the age of six. 
This was a course of home-training of an elementary, but 
carefully worked-out character, with which the parents were 
charged. Comenius wrote a separate treatise on this sub¬ 
ject, entitled informatorium Skoly : aterske” (*The School 
of Infancy”, as it is called in its English translation), 
which was to serve as a manual of instruction for the 
parents. For the children from six to twelve he advocated 

(1) In his "Opera Didactica Omnia”, vol.I, Amsterdam, 1657. 
An nglish translation by Keating.! The Great Didactic, 
was published in London 1896. 










t» i t ill* 4~ -i no‘ic WHT .mtsiut t i U 

( ' .... - • • • • - 




.1 A'. fit W' ‘-O J- Ai I to ^r>ix 




















* K hi. O :v 







. 

4 tf\ . t * , -.v ■. - ;•* . . -r , . - 

<t ■- L • .... *♦. 4 >4 it > ' o ci bt iv.fc 

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«■■■•*• U o.’iii ,W« •«, . i-nno • iMv:t - 


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-27- 


the so-called "vernacular schools", to be established in 
every village and to be attended by all children of both 
sexes and both rich and poor alike. This was to be 
followed by the "Latin School", which was to be maintained 
in every city, and attended by adolescent boys up to their 
sixteenth year. Finally, for the youth from eighteen to 
twenty-four a university was to be established in every 
kingdom or province. "Such an organisation would have 
made education universal, and would tend to bring about the 
custom of education according to ability rather than social 
status, which was a suggestion some three centuries in ad¬ 
vance of the times. (1) 

In his Great Didactic Comenius indicated same of the 
reformers of education to whom he was indebted for sugges¬ 
tions, or who at least attempted before his time the task 
he set for himself. He mentioned hubin, Helwlch, Ritter, 
Bodin, Glaum, Vogel, Wofstim, and Grey, as well as olf- 
gang Ratke (or Ratichlus, 1571-1635). This last named 
educator is generally considered to have been the immedi¬ 
ate predecessor of Comenius in the application of Baconian 
principles to education, and had evolved a system very 
much resembling that of Comenius. (2) In fact, Ratke was 
the first writer to attempt the construction of an educa¬ 
tional method on the asis of Baconian realism. He offered 

(1) Graves: A Student*s 'istory of Education, New York, 

1915, p.171. 

(2) Cf. Israel, A.: .as Verhaltlnis der 'Grossen Unter- 
richtslehre" des comenius zu cfc? Didactic Ratkes. 
r.C.G., I, p.173, 242. 








a- • 34.. K Z&&%aZ .*C ( 8 ) 




- 28 - 


his system for sale to the various German princes, but 
otherwise insisted on the strictest secrecy in regard to 
nls new method* Finally, in 1612, he Issued "An Address'* 
to the princes of Germany, advertising his new scheme of 
education* This address was read by Comenius at Herborn, 
for it had created a great sensation in the educational 
world* But atke*s plan itself was not published till 1617, 
when it appeared under the title "Hethodus Nova” at Leipzig* 
[ © was finally enabled to open an experimental school at 
Kothen in Anhalt, but a year aai a half later it failed on 
account of bad management. Ratke himself was thrown into 
prison as an imposter* Comenius, while gathering materials 
for his Didactic, appealed to Ratke for advice and sugges¬ 
tions, but in vain; Ratke did not even answer(1). 

Comenius spoke with a much greater respect and affect- 
tion of John Valentine Andreae, (1586-1650) the dean and 
superintendent at calw in urteraberg. He cited two replies 
from Andreae wnich he had received in answer to his appeals 
for advice, (2) in which Andreae encouraged the young re¬ 
former to persist in his noble attempt and received him among 
his "admirers”, but in what definite way he afforded him 
help or suggestions in the didactic project doea not ap ear* 
In fact, he excused himself from any active participation 
by reference to his age and disappointment in his former 
attempts. Comenius certainly received many suggestions from 

(1) see comenius* "Methodus linguarum”, XXIX,7* 

(2) See comenius* "Meth>dus linguarum", XXIX,7. 






- 29 - 


Andreae f s writings (as was pointed out in the case of the 
"Labyrinth of the or Id"), but it would be incorrect to re¬ 
gard Comenius as a mere initator of Andrea©• This appears 
quite clearly from the fact that although comenius had 
mentioned Andreae in the preface of his Didactic as one who 
encouraged him in the work, yet immediately after that he 
says: “Setting aside all inventions, ideas, investigations, 
and suggestions of others, I applied rayself to a new 
investigation of the thing itself and to seek reasons, 
principles, methods and goals of teaching." (1) In short, 
even though Comenius studied all his predecessors for 
suggestions, and sought advice from his contemporaries, his 
great work was essentially an Independent and original 
application of Baconian realism to the methodology of educa¬ 
tion. 

The book which made Comenius instantly famous and 
placed him among the chief educational reformers of his age 
was his "Janua linguarum reserata% In Lisaa, Comenius 
became con-rector of the local Latin school immediately upon 
his coming there (in 1628), and as such was not satisfied 
with the utterly unsuitable method of teaching Latin which 
then prevailed, pupila were taught Latin words with no 
reference to the things they signified. Moreover, the 
Latin classics were too difficult for beginners in Latin, 
nor did they contain the type of real knowledge needed by 
the elementary scholars. In consequence, Comenius resolved 

(1) preface to the "Didactica K?agna" 15. 



9iiS 'SC c • ill :Ioq 48V fca) a^flUXtoV a'da^-xtvr.. 

. •'. .♦ ■ J 






- 30 - 


to write a book which should define in a certain order all 
things together with their properties, it was to be, as 
the subtitle express it, a n Se~innrium linguae et artium", 
by the aid of which the pupil was to learn not only words, 
but the things signified as well. Thus he proposed to lead 
his pupils through the world of nature, of man and his 
works, as well as political life, education, ethics, and 
religion. In other words, the pupil was to be led from 
nat\u*e to God. 

As an Introduction to this work, Oomenius prepared 
"Vestibulum" (1633), w :ich was a collection of one thousand 
most commonly used Latin words in 427 easy sentences, with 
a translation into vernacular in parallel columns. This 
was to prepare the pupil for the "Janua”, which itself con¬ 
tained some eight thousand Latin words worked into easy 
and simple sentences and translated into the vernacular in 
parallel columns. **he material was planned to afford 
sufficient reading material and grammar for a year. 

This whole work had an Instant and phenomenal success, 
and "Janua* was soon translated into twelve European and 
four Asiatic languages. Oomenius became a man of European 
reputation, and was regarded as among the greatest of 
educational reformers of the age. As a modem authority. 
Dr. Cubberley of Leland Stanford Junior University, says: 
"Beginning in the Janua, and afterwards in the Vestibulum 
and Orb is Pictus as well, Oomenius not only simplified the 
teaching of Latin by producing the best text-book for 


i ft- % t - i- • KM :ot 


- 31 - 


lnst.ruct.ion in the subject, the world had ever known, but. 
he also shifted the whole emphasis in instruction from 
words to things, and made the teaching of scientific know¬ 
ledge and useful world information the keynote of his 
work”. (1) 

This led him to consider another great work, which in 
a way was to be a continuation of his Janua linguarum, 
namely; Janua rerura. This was to be an encyclopaedic 
organization of all knowledge, based throughout on the same 
principles. It was this work that brought him into a close 
touch with the English group of reformers. The man who was 
to serve as a medium of communication between Coroenius and 
the English group was Samuel Hartlib, a philanthropic 
merchant of London. To understand the objectives of this 
group, a short digression from the main story is necessary. 

c smuel n crtlib (2) lived in London as a merchant since 
1626. His father was a well-to-do Polish merchant of 
Elbing in Prussia, where Samuel was born. His mother was 
an Englishwoman of high social connections in England,. 

One of her sisters became, by second marriage, the wife of 
Sir Richard Smith of the Privy Council, and marrying the 
third time* became a maid-of-honor to Queen Henrietta. (3) 
Removing to England, Samuel Hartlib became enthusiastically 
active in a great number of reform movements* and was in 

(1) Cubberley: The History of Education, New York, 1920,p.413. 

(2) The best biography of Hartlib is by Althaus, entitled 
"Samuel Hartlib", found in "Historisches Taschenbuch” 
Sechste Folge, 3, p.l90ff. 

(3) Althaus, op. eit., p.195. 








«• • r- tsl i OtriJ ll 

. 

. 

•r-^6. »j; ft,' .? (PC ac:**jn%lb 4* :« a ,< 


* s *' :.i r v . I•; • ' o (X) 



- 32 - 


touch with many of tbs most important scholars both of 
rngland and the Continent* A German writer. Stem, said of 
him that he resembled a bee which carries pollen from 
flower to flower. (1) Masson also regarded him highly, say¬ 
ing: "By the common consent of all who have explored the 
intellectual and social history of England in the seventeenth 
century, he is one of the most interesting and memorable 
figures of that whole period." (2) Hartlib was interested 
in educeticm, as is evidenced by the fact that Hilton*s tract 
"On Education" (1644) was dedicated to him, arid was produced 
in response to Hartlib*s solicitations. It was this interest 
that made him a sincere admirer of Comenius* educational 
program as revealed in his "Janua" (3). Hartlib was also 
deeply interested in the irenic labors of the greatest of 
irenic workers of the seventeenth century, John Dury. 

This latter man, John Bury or Buraeus (4) (1596-1630) 
was born at Edinburgh, where his father was a prominent 
Presbyterian minister, and an opponent of the ecclesiastical 


(1) Stem, As John Milton und seine Zeit, vol.II,p.267. 

(2) Hasson, B.s The life of John Hilton, London 1873. vol. 
Ill, p.194. 

(3) This book had been translated into English by John 
Anchoran, under the title "The Gate of tongues unlocked 
and opened". The third edition, which was the earliest 
I could find to consult, was published in 1637. 

(4) Literature concerning Dury is scarce; there is a sketch 
of his life in Hering: Geschichte der Klrchlichen 
Unionsversuche, vol. II; Klahr: Johannes Duraeus, in 

.C.Q., VI, p.65, 191; Smyth-Hewman: Life of John Bury, 

• in the "Constructive Review' 1 2 3 4 , June 1914; Smyth- aiker:* 
Approaches toward Church Unity, Hew Haven, 1919, p,124ff; 
^ast, Hudolf: Johann Buraeus und der Unions ^eda nice, 
M.C.G., xviii, p.44ff. 



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- 33 - 


policy of James VI. On account of this opposition, he was 
banished from Scotland, and became preacher of the Puritan 
congregation at Leyden in Holland. His son John studied at 
Sedan, Leyden, and finally in 1624 entered the University 
of Oxford, Upon completion of his academic course he became, 
in 1626, pastor of a congregation of English ”adventurers'’ at 
Elbing in Prussia, which city was then held by Gustavus 
Adolphus. There he distinguished himself by his advocacy of 
union between the two great Protestant bodies, Reformed and 
Lutheran. He was won for the Irenic ideal by a treatise of 
the local Swedish supreme justice Dr. Caspar Godemann, who 
gave him the first impetus for the work to which he dedicated 
his life. (1) Later, the English ambassador. Sir Thomas Hoe, 
who had been sent to Elbing to mediate a peace between Sweden 
and Poland, encouraged Dury to resign his post at Elbing and 
to return to England, a rad there to submit his plans to the 
bishops and theologians. Dury followed the advice of Sir 
Hoe, and accordingly returned to England in 1630. His plan 
i 7 as received coldly by the majority of English higher clery, 
but in spite of this he succeeded in getting the support of 
the archbishop of canterbury, George Abbot, and of bishop 
John Davenant of Salisbury, who himself was active as an 
Irenic writer, and of bishop Joseph Hall of Exeter, as well 
as of twenty doctors of theology. 

His original plan is preserved in a document entitled 

(1) Hering: leschichte, II, p.89. 




• G *•« *"? :• Jt*>'£ (X) 




- 34 - 


”The Purpose and Platform of my journey Into Germany” (1), 
and outlines his contemplated itinerary through Prussia, 
Pomerania, Hark, Brandenburg, Saxony, Hesse, and then 
through the chief cities of the uansa to Holland and back to 
England* In all these places he intended to secure signed 
promises from the leaders of the churches "to joyne in 
Prayers, and meditations, to conferre together in Counaells 
and deliberations, to helpe in tneanes and endeavours, to 
further the ~orks of Christian peace and eeolesiastlcall 
Unity, betwixt us and Lutherans.” In order to accomplish 
this object, h© wished to settle a way of correspondency 
betwixt us and them whereby their thoughts and ours may be 
collected and imparted each to others”. Moreover, he wished 
to gain the Chancellor and the -ling of Sweden, the "Marquess” 
of Brandenburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse for this program 
and to make these princes responsible for setting the German 
divines at work on this project of unity, as well as to 
supervise and aid these divines in all manner necessary for 
the successful carrying out of the project. Moreover, Dury 
proposed to collect and study all books and manuscripts 
relative to the question of ecclesiastical unity, and to 
prepare, on the basis of this study, a book which would out¬ 
line in detail what needed to be done in the matter of 
uniting these churches. Besides, he wished to become 
personally acquainted with all of Germany, their tenets as 
well as their leading men, "that wee may know them and what 
use may bee made of them to good works or what may bee 





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-35- 

1'eared from then" . 

He then proceeded to Germany, where he visited the 
camp of Gustavus Adolphus. There he obtained not only the 
king’s consent to his plan, but also its approval by 
Chancellor Oxenstiern as well as by the king*s chaplain, 
Matthiae. The latter became an important irenic leader in 
Sweden. But before the king could offer Dury any material 
assistance in his plans, he was cut down on the battlefield 
of Lutzen. Dury*s labors in Germany, Sweden, and Holland 
were largely fruitless. In order to be able to represent 
both the Presbyterial and the Episcopal bodies, he received, 
in 1634, an additional episcopal ordination in the Cathedral 
of Exeter, without renouncing thereby his previous ordina¬ 
tion* In 1641 he was recalled to England by the Parliament, 
and later became a member of the famous "Westminster 
Assembly of Divines". Under Cromwell he again visited 
practically every Protestant country in Europe in pursuance 
of his noble irenic pic :u But again in vain. When Charles 
II came to the throne of England, Dury was not in favor be¬ 
cause of his former connection with Cromwell, and spent the 
remaining years of his life on the Continent. After fifty 
years of ceaseless irenic and educational activity, he at 
last found a resting place at the court of Cassel. Ho 
longer able to travel, he kept up a busy correspondence with 
ecclesiastics. Universities, and princes, never baffled by 
t e almost uniform failure of all his projects. There he 
died in 1680. 


WM&; • ~ 















. 






- 36 - 


Hartlib became an enthusiastic supporter of Dury f s plan, 
and either made himself, or was appointed, his ’’agent” in 
London* As he wrote to a friend whose name is not mentioned 
in the letter: ’’Unter anderen 1st nicht die geringste 
gewesen eben dieser Kyrchenfrieden, indem raeiner weinigkeit 
die ganze sachen als einera Agenten in die sen Landern gleiehsam 
allein befohlen worden. Ich sehatze aber dieses werck so 
hoch, dass ich nechst meiner seeligkeit nichts hohreo werde 
lassen befohlen seyu." (1) 

Hartlib*s interest in Como ulus liaving been aroused by 
the latter's "Janus linguarum H , he opened correspondence 
with the new pedagogical reformer, sending him along with 
greetings also a present of money* Comenius, thanking him 
for this greeting and gift, mentioned among other things 
that he was busily engaged upon his ’’Viridarium" and 
"Pansophia’* • (2) Hart lib then requested Comenius to explain 
more in detail tlie nature of this undertaiding; thereupon 
Comenius sent him, in 1634, a rather extended description 
of his intended work. This was published by Hartlib at 
Oxford, (3) without the knowledge or consent of the author, 
under the title ’’Conatuum Camenianorum Praeludia”. Hartlib 

(1) See tne letter dated Oct*22, 1632, in Kvafcala: 
Correspondence Com., I, (1897), p,15. 

(2) See his letter in Patera: Horrespondence Horn., (1892) 
p *19—21• 

(3) ’’Conatuum Comenianorum Praeludia ex Bibliotheca S.H. 
Oxford, 1637* The next edition, published in 1639, 
bore the title: "J.A .Comenii Pansophiae Prodromus”. 

This became its permanent title; It is reprinted 

in Veskere cpisy Kom., I, p.237ff; a Oerman transla¬ 
tion found in Beegor and Leutbecher: Ausgewahlte 
Schriften* 



at ejtrf 24 W w a*>& r *r oUta leu 



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- 37 - 


explained in the preface that learned men asked him for a 
transcript of Gomenius 1 sketch so persistently* that he 
finally determined to have it printed* in order to secure 
the judgment of learned men of Europe about the plan there 
delineated* He hoped to gain thereby in the first place 
co-laborers in the stupendous project of Gomenius, and 
secondly, means to carry the plan to a successful realiza¬ 
tion* 

Thus Hartlib became personally active in furthering 
the plans of Gomenius. The reason for that is easily 
understood: the project as described in the " Praeludia” 
fitted in excellently with the program cherished by Hartlib 
and Dury* For Gomenius therein proposed to work out an 
encyclopaedic compendium of all knowledge, based throughout 
on the principles of Baconian induction, reason, and the 
Scriptures* ere all men everywhere to be subjected t,o this 
unified system of instruction, the author hoped thereby to 
bring about not only unity in knowledge but unity in faith 
as well* In other words, he hoped to bring about an organic 
unity in culture and religion, both in spirit and in or¬ 
ganization. The religious instruction which he proposed to 
be taught to children was purely Biblical, i*e., non-con- 
fessional. It was to consist of general truths of Christian¬ 
ity, without a particular confessional interpretation. By 
training children from infancy in the same system of re¬ 
ligious ideas and ideals, gradually the conflicting con¬ 
fessional interpretations would cease to divide Christendom, 


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- 38 - 


and unity would thus be attained* The plan itself will re¬ 
ceive a further and more detailed consideration in its 
proper place; suffice it to say that a program like this 
would naturally fit in well with the ironic and educational 
reformatoiY interests of Hartlib and Dury, and therefore 
the enthusiasm of Hart lib* Dury does not seem to have given 
an express opinion in regard to Comenius’ plan, most likely 
because of his all-absorbing interest in his irenie labors 
in Sweden. But that it was highly favorable seems quite 
certain, for it was undoubtedly he who called the attention 
of the Swedish leaders to Comenius’ pedagogic reforms, and 
thus paved the way for his call to Sweden later. As a 
matter of fact, comenius was actually called to Sweden in 
1638, but did not accept the invitation at that time. 

The pansophic plans described in the ”Prodroraua" 
were yarioualy received. Descartes expressed himself in 
general unfavorably about any attempt to unite theology 
with philosophy. But his friend, Marsenne, a French Minorite, 
was full of praise for the undertaking, and even offered 
himself as a co-laborer. John Adolph Tassius, a Hamburg 
professor, who had attained a wide fame as a mathematician, 
wrote that if Comenius had done nothing else beyond this 
work, he would have done enough. (1) Others expressed them¬ 
selves that such a heavy burden should not rest on Comenius’s 
shoulders alone, but that co-laborers should be sought out 

(1) Opera Didactica, I, p*453ff. 



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- 39 - 


end a "pansophic College” constituted, which would carry 
out the project. (1) On the other hand, an ala w\ was 
spread among the leaders of the “Unity by one of the 
"political" officials of the Church, a Polish nobleman by 
name Jerome Broniewski. 'This man expressed his serious 
doubts as to the effect of Comenlus* pansophic plan upon 
the confessional teaching of Hie “Unity**, and especially ob¬ 
jected to what he regarded as a confusion of "divinorum oum 
humanis, theologiae cum philosophia, Christianismi cum 
gentilismo, et sic tenebrarum Oum luce", (2) Comenius was 
forced to defend his project before the seniours, and pub¬ 
lished in regard to it a special treatise, “ConatutEa Pan¬ 
sophic orum Dilucldatio" (3), in which he asserted the 
thorou^ly Christian character of his undertaking. Possibly 
to make it more acceptable, he presented his scheme under 
the analogy of Ezekiel*s temple, dividing his "Temple of 
isdom" into seven parts. His project was then fully 
approved. 

But the moat important criticisms and suggestions came 
from England. There Joachim Hubner (also known under his 
Latinized name Fundamis), an Oxford scholar of German 
nationality, interested himself moat earnestly in the pan¬ 
sophic scheme. He was very frank in his praise of the 

(1) Opera Didactica, I, p.453ff. 

(2) Opera Didactica, I, p.453ff. 

(3) Bee Veskere Splay Korn., I, p.389ff. 










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undertaking* and later became actively associated with 
it. Comenitis once invited him to come and live at Lissa, 
to facilitate co-operation in the Pansophy; but he refused 
for reasons relating to his domestic concerns. In an ex¬ 
tended letter of D ©ember 1638, ilubner elaborated the 
suggestion made earlier that for such an enormous task a 
large body of co-laborers, or a College of learned men, 
was necessary; moreover, that the sc’ieme should include in 
its provisions needs of the whole humankind, instead of 
youth only# (1) This proved to be a very fruitful sugges¬ 
tion, which was promptly incorporated in Comenius* later 
plans# As a matter of fact, Comenius wished as free a dis¬ 
cussion of his plans and suggestions for their improvement 
as he could secure; he even considered calling of a 
"congress" of the friends of reform to meet at Hamburg, but 
Hubner expressed the opinion that he and the English friends 
could not come# Then the matter was dropped# 

This close association with England in the pansophic 
labors finally resulted in Comenius’ call to England# 

•lartlib had gained for his project a young clergyman, John 
Gauden, who in 1660 became bishop of Exeter# He preached 
a sermon before the Parliament on November 29, 1640 on the 
topic "The Love of Truth and Peace", in which he recommend¬ 
ed to the Pariiaisent the pansophic and irenic work of 
Comenius and Dury, and urged that body to call these men to 


(1) Kva&ala: Korrespondence Kom., I, (1897), p.51ff. 






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- 41 - 


Pngland. (1) The Parliament adopted the suggestion, and 
both Comenius and Bury were called to England in the spring 
of 1641. But Oomenius did not know whence the invitation 
came until upon his arrival* Then Parliament entered into 
negotiations with him, and it is almost certain that the 
Chelsea college foundation, which was origin lly founded by 
James I as a "spiritual garrison" for the "maintenance of 
all controversies against the papists" (2) would have been 
made over into a pansophical college devoted to the working 
out of the plans suggested by Comenius. The pansophic pro¬ 
gram was worked out in much greater detail in his "Via Lucis", 
written during the winter of 1641-1642, but the whole project 
was finally shattered by the outbreak of the Civil ars. 

The "Via Lucis" formulated the program in a much more 
definite way than the previous tentative outlines of the 
undertaking had done. It contained a demand for four 
requisites! universal books; universal schools; a pansophic 
college of learned men; and finally a univeral language. 

Of these the most important addition to the plan as outlined 
in the "Pro&romus" was the pansophic college. As has already 
been mentioned, this was advocated by Hubner, but ho was not 
alone in having made this suggestion, for it represented a 
definite item of reform as worked out by the Hartlib group. 

(1) liovak, J.V.: "Komenskeho idea svetove akaderai© rairove" 

in "Nase Doba" XXIV, p.405 and 496; also Drtina: 

Komensk^ v Anglli, in "Hsrodni Listy", LX, io.313. 

(2) Puller: Church history, 1845 i vo. V., p.387. 





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- 42 - 


This college was to be composed of learned men of all 
nations, who were to be chared with the duty of investigating 
all departments of human knowledge, and embodying the results 
of their studies in textbooks for the use of the universal 
pansophic schools. This learned body would likewise exercise 
oversight over the whole pansophic educational system, and 
link the various countries together by raeans of constant 
correspondence. Moreover, the college would become a permanent 
center of the whole educational world, a unifying principle, as 
well as the central authority. Some modem writers ascribe the 
original idea of such an "universal college" to John Valentine 
Andreae. But there is sufficient evidence to show that as far 
as Somenius was concerned, he had always and consistently traced 
the idea back to Sir Francis Bacon, and had considered the 
latter thinker to have suggested the idea of the college for 
the first time in his "Hew Atlantis". (1) 

But signs of the threatening civil war not only put an 
end to the hopes of the London group of Comenius’ friends, but 

f 

also hastened Ms departure. It happened that a Dutch oble- 
man, Ludwig de Geer, residing in Sweden, invited him to that 
laud, offering him means for furthering his studies as well 
as the support of such learned men as he chose to associate with 
himself* Indeed, Sweden was not the only country which was 


( 1 ) 


This whole question of the relation of coraenian "college" 
to similar proposals of other thinkers is treated in 
Appendix A. 










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- 43 - 


solicitous of gaining the services of Coinenius, for even the 
great minister of France, Cardinal Richelieu, invited him to 
Paris* Two English nobles and two bishops, in the presence 
of Dury, were deliberating upon this offer, and finally advised 
Caraenius to accept it. But he preferred the Swedish offer, 
hoping that the latter country would be in a better position 
ultimately to secure the repatriation of the Bohemian exiles. 
Therefore he sent his friend Hubner to explain to Richelieu 
the reason for declining the French offer. Hubner learned 
from the Cardinal, who then lay on his death-bed, that the 
plans entertained by him referred to the establishment of a 
pansophic school at Paris, and he wished Comenius* aid In 
the project. In view of the work which Sweden later practically 
imposed upon comenius, this French offer would certainly have 
proven more congenial to him. But It was too late then. (1) 
Before Comenius left England, he was bound by his 
friends, as he himself says, "that I ought to let my services 
be employed in nothing short of the Pansophic design". He 
travelled through Holland, where he visited some friends, and 
also the great philosopher Des Cartes, who in a four hour 
conversation urged him forward in his pansophic undertaking. 

A curious item found nowhere else but In cotton leather*s 
'agnalia, informs us that governor Winthrop (presumably of 
assachusetts) who was then travelling in the how Countries, 
offered to comenius the presidency of harvard. This, however. 


(1) Kvacala: Kamensky, p.41 



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- 44 — 


for many weighty considerations, is to be regarded with grave 
doubts as to its accuracy, for Governor inthrop was not 
travelling in urope during the year 1642, nor was the presi¬ 
dency of the Harvard College vacant. On the other hand, it 

m. 

soems highly probably that the v; inthrop in cjiestion was John 
Inthrop, Jr*, the son of the ! assachusetts gwepnor and later 
governor of Connecticut, who happened to be in England during 
that time on private business. He may have spoken with 
Cor.ienius about the presidency of Harvard in a general way, for 
he had no official authority to offer him the office. He was 
well acquainted with the Hartlib group, and corresponded with 
it even after his return to America. (1) 

v^hen 6omenius arrived in Sweden, his new protector, 
re ceer, introduced him to bishop John Matthias, former tutor 
of Queen Christina, who in turn introduced him to the Queen. 

at the principal negotiation was carried on with the famous 
chancellor of Sweden, Axel Oxonstiem, and with Dr. John Skyte, 
Chancellor of the University of Upsala. (2) The Chancellor 
expressed his approval of comenius’ didactic work as resting 4n 
firmer foundations than that of olfgang Satke, but as for his 
panaophie scheme, which he knew from the fi Orodronus'* and his 

(1) Por a detailed discussion of this whole problem see 
Appendix S* 

(2) " These two exercised me in colloquy for four days; and 

chiefly the former, that agle of the North. Ho inquired 
into the foundations of both my schemes, the Didactic and 
pansophie, so searehingly that it was unlike anything that 
had been done before by any of my learned critics”.— 
Introduction to part II of the ”Opera Didactics Omnia”. 
















. 

| /■ - v 1 2 * 0 * 8 « - 4 * 1 





































■ 






















































■ 

















































- 45 - 


private conversation, his opinion was somewhat adverse. He 
advised Comenius to concentrate for the present on his 
didactic work. "Into no one 1 s mind do I think such things 
hove come before", he said. "Stand upon these grounds of 
yours; either so shall wo corse some time to agreement, or 
there will be no way at all left* My advice, however, is that 
you proceed first to do a good stroke in the school business, 
and to bring the study of the Latin tongue to a greater 
facility, and so prepare a broader and clearer way for those 
bigger matters”.(1) 

Since Skyte’s as well as De3eer*s solicitations sere 
to accept the offer of reforming the Swedish schools, Comenius, 
strongly against his inclinations and will, submit ted. He was 
indeed not forgetful of his promise made to the English group, 
and had he been independent he would have very likely renounced 
the Swedish subsidy; but in his straightened circumstances, 
and especially because of his hope that the Swedish service 
might ultimately result in substantial advantages to the cause 
of the Bohemian exiles, he resigned himself to the task. He 
indeed was oiiided for this action by his English friends in a 
long epistle in which they tried to draw him back to the pan- 
aophic project. Cosienius, who had in the meantime left Sweden, 
sent this epistle to Sweden with a request to be released from 
the didactic labors, but was refused. Thus "nothing was left me 
but to obey, and plod on against my will in the clay of logo¬ 
machies for eight whole years. Fortunately this was not till I 

(1) Introduction to part II of the "Opera Didactica Omnia". 





. 



uox 


.■ • 

■ 


. 

. 






- 46 - 


ha d printed at Danzig, in the year 1643, ray already-made 
efforts at a better detection of the foundations of Pansophy, 
under the title of *Pansophiae Diatyposis Ichographica et 
Orthographic a" , reprinted Immediately at Amsterdam and Paris.” (1) 
In order to be near Sweden as well as Poland, where, 
being since 1632 one of the seniors, and secretary of the board 
of seniors of the "Unity”, his presence was often needed, he 
selected the Prussian port city of Klbing as his residence. 

There he settled down to his allotted task of preparing text¬ 
books for the Swedish schools. He had several helpers in this 
work, although the majority of them were not independent in¬ 
vestigators or authors, but merely copyists or amenuenses. The 
most important work which he published during this period was 
"Linguarum I.ethodus Hovissiraa”, (2) which is a work of great 
thoroughness and importance. This treatise was organically 
connected with other books which were either re-worked or 
newly composed during this time, namely, ’’Vestibulum", ’’Janus’’, 
and ’’Atrium”, together with appropriate corresponding diction¬ 
aries and grammars. All these text-books met with the full 
approval, of the Swedish commission to which they were submitted 
in 1646, and were received with enthusiasm by the numerous 
pedagogical reformers and friends of reform. 

But Comenlus could not rest content with these scholastic 

(1) Introduction to part II of the ’’Opera Didactic”. A copy of 
the English translation of tills work, wade by Jeremy Collier, 
and entitled "A Pattern© of Unlversall Knowledge", London 
1651, is in the Library of congress, Washington, D.C. 

(2) Veskere Spisy Kom., Vise, p.!83ff. 














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%l ' ■' Utwt3 Kiri? .eooAjToqszl tef-iHoi 













- 47 - 


labors alone; his soul was on fire with the pansophic ideals, 
realization of which he considered his proper life-task* As he 
himself says in his "Pansophiae Diatyposis” in regard to this: 

"As for me, I shall willingly doe whatsoever God through my weak¬ 
ness will have done: and as soon as I shall be permitted to re¬ 
turns to these studies (pansophy), I will make ready a Sceleton 
of all Pansophy and expose it to public censure." (l) 

Moreover, lie was induced to give some of his time and 
labor to matters w Ich form a part of his pansophic scheme, 
namely the ironic labors among the various branches of Christen¬ 
dom. For example, he wrote at the instigation of the local 
Reformed preacher, Bartholomew Higrin, a treatise, in which he 
proposed the calling of a general council of all Christendom for 
the purpose of working out of organic unity among all branches 
of the Church universal. T da was his "De Dissidentium in rebus 
fidei Christianorum reconeiliatlone gypomnemata quaedam, etc. 1 * 
oreover, he entered into literary contest with a Capuchin monk. 
Valerian egni, the result of w ich were two bo >ks under the 
title "Judicium de judicio Valerian! Magni j'ediolanensis, super 
Catholicorum et Acatholicorum credendi regula, Sive Absurditatum 
Echo", and "Judicium Ulrioi Heufeldii de Fidei Catholieae regula 
Gatnolica, etc." According to Coaenius himself, these were 
intended to be irenic, rather than polemic, treatises. A most 
important step forward in his Pansophy was the projected work 
"De rerum humanorum cmendatione consultatio catholics", which 
was to be comprised in seven parts. He had actually written 

(1) A Patterne of Universall Knowledge, p.179. 





























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at the time the first part, the "Panegersia". These, by the 
way, were not his first ironic writings, for he had even 
earlier expressed his convictions on the subject and formulated 
a tentative plan of accommodation in such works as "Hsggaous 
redivij^s” (1632) and "Cesta pokoje” (—"The Way of Peace”, 1637). 

Besides these literary labors, Comenius gave way to 
the solicitations of his Church and others to attend the meetings 
connected with the proposed "Colloquium” at Thorn, by which the 
Polish king, Wladislaw IV, hoped to unite the ecclesiastical 
parties of the kingdom, Roman Catholics, Lutherans, and Reformed 
(among whora the "bnitas Fratrum" was subsumed), into one 
organic body. Coraenius was, of course, personally deeply in¬ 
terested in this project, but because of the prohibitory atti¬ 
tude of hi3 Swedish employers did not at first feel free to 
accept the commission. Later, however, throwing all fear aside, 
he attended the preliminary meetings at Or la in Lithuania, and 
at Lissa, as well as the "colloquium” proper at Thorn (1645). 

His port there will be discussed later, and from it will appear 
the genuine interest of comenius in the great work proposed by 
the meeting. However, he correctly foresaw that the meeting 
was doomed to failure because of the party spirit which 
dominated the participants. The course of events proved him 
correct. 

Thus, although the Slbing period (1642-1648) was one 
of intense labor mainly didactic in onaracter, yet the irenic 
activities occupy an important place in it. This suggests 
the consideration of Comenius* place among the irenic leaders 
of his time. The subject, of course, need not be discussed in 







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- 49 - 


detail# for it will receive further explication as the main 
thesis of this work# A cursory glance over the main features 
must suffice. 

The relation of Comenius to the great English irenic 
worker# John Dury# has already been noted# It may here be re¬ 
marked that Peter Figulus, whom comenius had befriended as a 
poor orphan and had educated for the ministry# and who later 
had married comenius' daugnter Elisabeth (1), became a travell¬ 
ing companion of Dury. Beginning in 1643# Figulus for the next 
seven years was associated with the work of peace as Dury*s 
companion and helper, and that faet alone indicates the active 
sympathy and cooperation which existed between Comenius and 
Dury# (2) Moreover# the appeal which Dury made to the synod of 
the "Unites Fratrum" (1636) for cooperation in his irenic work 
was most readily granted, and the desired aid and cooperation 
promised. At that occasion prayers were ordered in all churches 
of the Unity for the success of his undertaking# and steps were 
taken to appeal to the princes for aid in the project* (3). 

How far Comenius was directly instrumental in procuring this 
assistance for Dury is impossible to say, for the whole Church 


(1) Their renowned son, Daniel Ernest Jablonski (which is the 
old family name, discarded by Peter for "Figulus") became 
the Berlin court preacher; it was through him that the 
present-day "Moravian Church" derived its episcopal ordi¬ 
nation. It was Jablonski who consecrated CJ>unt : inzendorf 
as bishop in the succession of "Unites Fratrum". Moreover, 
Jablonski has a claim to grateful remembrance as one of 
the founders of the "Berlin Acadeny"# 

(2) See Souder: Comenius# Bureaus, Figulus. (H.C.G. IV, p.322). 

(3) Gindely; Dekrety Jednoty Bratrske, Prague, 1865# p.30S- 
307; 310-311. 









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shared, in general, his pacific spirit? but we can rest 
assured that he did his part to bring about the favorable ac¬ 
tion in the matter* 

The other great ironic leader of the century was George 
Calixtus (1586-1656), who may be called the Uelanchthon of the 
seventeenth century. He was educated at the university of 
Helmatedt, which load a name for its conciliatory spirit. Dur¬ 
ing the years 1609-1613 he travelled through Germany, Belgium, 
England and France. Thus he came to know personally the views 
of many leading Reformed, Anglican, and even Roman Catholic 
theologians. Upon his return he became professor of theology 
at his Alma Mater, the University of Helmstedt, where he soon 
gained fame as a foremost scholar, especially in the field of 
dogmatic theology and patristics. 

The harsh and arid dogmatic polemics, so characteristic 
of that age, filled him with pity. He conceived a plan of 
uniting the three parties. Reformed, Lutherans and Roman 
Catholics, on the basis of "what has been believed always, 
everywhere and by all". To him theology was less important 
than religion. He proposed as the commons the Scriptures and 
the consensus of the first five centuries, especially as ex¬ 
pressed in the "Apostles Creed". (1) He held that all the 
various groups or denominational bodies within the Christian 
church were based upon the common substratum of the Ancient 
Church, and in that sense were one. They have departed from 
this Unity by reason of development of different characteristics 

or bv adoption of various new dogmas and customs. They way to 
Tl) see “the letter of Galixtus of Id46, cited in Friedrich: 

Georg C/llxtus, p.22. 

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unite them was to return to the status of the primitive church, 
which was recognised by all. This primitive teaching is in 
brief contained in the Apostolicura, which comprises everything 
necessary to salvation. The method of this process Calixtus 
defined in his "Desiderium et atudium concordiae ecclesiasticae”, 
in nine points: 

(1) Such matters as are necessary to salvation shall be 
distinguished from the unnecessary; mutual toleration shall be 
exercised. 

(2) All mutual recriminations shall cease. 

(3) All questions which do not contribute to the 
upbuilding of piety or have no importance for the sacraments 
or the whole chure , shall be passed over, and above all shall 
not be discussed before the common people. 

(4) The differences which the people must be informed 
about shall be explained in a fair and kind spirit. 

(5) as for the sacraments, the ”quod sit” shall be 
considered important, and an absolute unanimity in the "quomodo 
sit” shall not be required as necessary. 

(6) An acceptance of the simplest doctrinal formula 

shall be regarded as sufficient* 

(7) All propositions which were disapproved of shall 
be avoided; no man who had formerly held such, shall be exposed 

to ignominy on that account. 

(8) All men shall strive to understand the newly 

adopted teaching in ita netful meaning. 

(9) The teaching of the various confessions shall be 






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"taken from their official creedal statements* (1) 

Very soon Calixtus was openly attacked as a ”cryptopap¬ 
ist" by a certain Hanoverian zealot, Buscher by name (1640). 
From that time onward Calixtus and hia University became a tar¬ 
get for the arrows of the strict Lutheran party, represented 
by such polemicists as Calovious of Wittenberg. One of these 
writers, Mislenta, in his "Anticrisis”, accused Cal xtus cf 
"Papism, Calvinism, Arminianism, Synergism, Chimerianism, and 
finally of atheism”* (2) When in 1645 Calixtus was sent, at 
the request of the Hleetor of Brandenburg, as a colleague of 
the bnigsberg -eformed delegation to the Colloquy of thorn, 
this gave the Saxon Lutherans the gravest offense. Calixtus 
was charged, in the most abusive fashion, with downright 
apostasy. It was at 1'horn that Camenius and flatus, the two 
champions of brotherly love arid church union, must have met 
and exchanged their views. Both worked for the same ideals 
at Ihorn, and both suffered calumny and most virulent abuse 
in consequence. (3) 

v^hat were the respective programs of the three leaders, 
and how id they differ from each other? As for Dury*s 
program, it was surprisingly anticipatory, by some two and a 
half centuries, of the modern conferences on Faith and Order. 

He suggested that all parties "who take the Holy Scriptures 

(1) Friedrich: op.cit., p.!9. 

(2) Friedrich; op.cit., p*19. 

(3) For a fuller biography, of.: Dowding, W.E.t George 
Calixtus. Oxford, 1863. Also Friedrich, H.: Georg 
Calixtus, der unionsman des 17. Jahrhunderts. Anklam, 
1891. 


















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for their Rule of Faith and Practice”, draw up a stateiaent of 
their fundamental articles of belief and practice. Then let a 
committee be appointed from each one of the parties, which would 
be charged with the task of reducing these various denomina¬ 
tional statements of faith to one general pronouncement on such 
matters in which all agree. The residum, in which disagreement 
still remains, should then be studied in common, "by the most 
moderate of each Party”. The result of their studies, or the 
agreement reached by them, should then be offered to the respec¬ 
tive bodies for adoption. (1) Thus Bury wanted to accomplish 
the pacification and organic union of Christendom by conference 
and arbitration—certainly a thoroughly modem method. 

Moreover, Bury stressed the "practical divinity" rather 
than the dogmatic confessionalism then in vogue. He bewailed 
the prevailing practice of stressing the "particular things" 
rather than the "main things which discover the life and the 
spiritual estate of Christ as the Truth is in Him". 

Calixtus did not wait fer a conference of divines to 
formulate a statement of faith which would be acceptable to 
all, but proposed one himself. That was the Bible, or in a 
more simple and concrete forra, the Apostolicum, as the basis 
of communion. He strove to have the various parties accept 
this as their cor mon starting point. It is to be noted further¬ 
more that in common with Bury# Calixtus stressed the "practical 
divinity", rather than the theological subtleties. Thus, in 

(1) Approaches toward Church Unity, ©d. by Smyth and Walker. 

New Haven, 1919, p.128-129. 



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-54- 


general, one might say that the difference between these two 
men consisted in this: one advocated a conference for the pur¬ 
pose of making a comaon agreement, while the other allied to 
persuade men to receive an already prepared basis of agreement. 
Further than that, l i ury t s scheme would unite Christendom on 
the basis of the consensus of the seventeenth century, while 
Calixtua would have all be satisfied with the consensus of the 
first five centuries. 

Come ulus was at first, up to the period of his pan- 
soph ic ideal, in a general agreement with the schemes above de¬ 
scribed, being possibly nearer to Calixtus* than to Dury*s, 

But that was not the case after 1637, Then he had one unified 
program, or an **all-cure” for the ills of church, society, as 
well as state. In short, this panacea was a proper education 
of all humanity. All education, in Comenius* sense, leads to 
God, and includes the moral and spiritual development as well 
as the physical and intellectual. He, therefore, proposed to 
educate all men in a uniform way, by means of instruction that 
wa 3 uniform, and likewise by uniform methods. Thus he hoped 
to attain—as far as it could be attained withhumankind every 
member of which is different from the other—a certain measure 
of commonly shared information, tolerably homogeneous world¬ 
view, and fundamentally common religious convictions, which 
would tend mightily to unite humankind in the most essential 
concerns of life. It is apparent, then, that his plan was 




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-55- 


unique, and thereby Comenius rendered a distinct contribution 
to the irenic endeavors of his age as well as ours. 

In 1648 Comenius was elected senior bishop of the 
Bohemian branch of the Unity, and as such was the last bishop 
of that particular body. This necessitated his removal to 
Lissa. He left KIbing on the 31st of July, 1648. (1) The 
laborious years of his Swedish service were over, for his hopes 
of Swedish aid of his poor fellow-exiles at the final settlement 
of the Thirty Year’s war were most rudely shattered by the 
signing of the Peace of Westphalia. This settlement confirmed 
and made permanent the sad lot of the Bohemian exiles, and thus 
effectually extinguished the last spark of hope of restoration, 
which was kept alive all these twenty or more year. In the 
anguish of his soul Comenius expostulated with the Swedish 
Chancellor and with Bishop Matthias; but in vain. It was the 
consciousness that an utter ruin of his beloved Church would 
not be averted that impelled him to write "the Last Will of the 
dying mother, the Unity of the Brethren", wherein he advised 
his flock to unite with other churches as opportunity offered, 
and solemnly distributed among the various churches the heir¬ 
looms of his own communion. This is one of the moat pathetic 
of Camenius , treatises, especially the last part df it, in 
which he took farewell of his beloved native land. The 
prophetic words, "I trust in God that after the storm of wrath 
which our sins provoked upon our heads is over, the rule of 
thine affairs will again be restored to thee, thou Bohemian 

-people! f> . furnished inspiration to milli o a who fought or 
II; see Slbing register item, in Toeppen: Zur Lefaangeschichte 
des Comenius, If.C.G. I, p.65. 






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-56- 


otherwise strove for Czechoslovak independence during the late 
a or Id «ar. The liberated nation then welcomed with enthusiasm 
the solemn words of President Hesaryk in his first address to 
the National Convention, in which he recalled the ancient 
prophecy and bade the nation to rejoice in its fulfillment. 

After the Swedish disappointment, there loomed upon the 
horizon of comenius another saviour. This was the princely 
family of Rakoczies, rulers of Transylvania. This territory, 
it will be remembered, included a much larger region than that 
now commonly associated with that name. Many exiles, especially 
from Moravia, found refuge in the territories of this princely 
family. Both George I, and later his widow, Susan Lorantfi, 
attempted several times to gain the services of Comenius for 
the educational task which Alsted, the former teacher of 
Comenius at Herbom, and afterwards in the Transylvanian employ, 
relinquisiied upon nis death in 1538. -usau -or&ntfi desired to 
establish pansophic schools at Saros—Patak, the princely resi¬ 
dence of the Transylvanian court in Northern Hungary. With 
these invitations the Hungarian exiles, also joined their 
pleading voices, but as long as Comenius believed in Swedish 
aid, he would not listen to these offers. How the case was 
different. And yet it was no consideration of advantages 
which raigfrt accrue to himself which actuated him to accept the 
Transylvanian invitation, but what he came to believe to have 
been the voice of God. It was at this time that Comenius came 
under an almost overpowering influence of his one-time school¬ 
fellow, Nicholas Drabik, a priest of the Unity at Lednice, who 


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- 57 - 


proclaliaed himself to be a prophet. rabik claimed that God re¬ 
vealed to him that Sigisraund, son of Susan Lorantfi, would be- 
cofiie the king of Hungary, and as such would came forth as the 
champion of the oppressed Protestants. ore over, that he. 

Drab Ik, together with Comenius, were divinely commissioned to 
encourage and persuade Sigismund to accept this heroic r6le. 

At first comenius expressed his doubt and dissent; but after a 
searching self-examination and earnest prayer, he believed him¬ 
self to have been directed to accept Drabik’s prophecy as 
genuine. Then the hopes of comenius revived again, and lie gave 
himself anew to dreams of a restoration of the exiles to their 
eneient home. 

He removed to 5aroa-Patak in October 1650. His plans 
were fundamentally the same as those that actuated him in 
England, although in detail there was a marked change, traceable 
to the influence of Drabik*s prophecies- In the first place, 

3omenius wanted to establish a pansophic school, and secondly, 
a pansophic college of learned men. But above that he was de¬ 
termined to persuade the Transylvanian prince to ploy the role 
of a new Guatavus Adolphus as a protector of oppressed Protest¬ 
ants. (1) This latter feature included an appeal to the prince 
to arm for a war against the uouse of iabsburg as well as 
against the Roman church. But these warlike counsels found 
little favor with the Transylvanian court, and were especially 
opposed by Coraenius 1 friends, Bisterfeld, a court counseller, 

(1) "Bermo ^eretis aathani a ad havidem”, in ivvacala: Korresp. 

II, p.249-262. 



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even though prince Sigismund himself may have been personally 
favorably Inclined to listen to them. But that ruler’s early 
death (February 4, 1652) was the first blow to the plans of 
comenius, and a proof of the untrustworth nature of Drabik 
prophecies. Comenius indeed expressed his perplexity over the 
event, saying: "As it was not only our own conviction, but 
along with us many of our friends near and far held the comfort¬ 
ing hope that he (— Prince Sigismund of Transylvania) was bom 
to great things, and was appointed by destiny to be a bene¬ 
factor of the people. Thus we do not mourn his loss alone, but 
the number of those who share in our cries of grief Is immense." 
( 1 ) 

But with an ease and alacrity characteristic of many a 
"prophet" in history, Drabik transferred the hopes of accomplish¬ 
ing the great work expected of Sigismund to the successor of 
the deceased prince, George II. This ruler, however, proved to 
be a disappointment also. It was then that hopes were turned 
toward Cr©swell in England, although this change does not seem 
to have been inspired by Drabik. The appeal to the Lord 
protector is contained in a letter of peter Figulus, the son- 
in-law of comenius, sent to Hartlib, wherein the former asked 
the Londoner to deliver to Cromwell a petition "written in the 
name of all our exiled nation, and directed to the Lord Pro¬ 
tector, his highnesse’s council, and the Parliament". In it 
Cromwell was implored to take up the cause of the oppressed 
Protestants of Bohemia, ;oravia, Silesia, and Austria. "There 

(1) In "Opera Didactica", III, p.736. 



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- 59 - 


are thousand of those that wait and pray to God for some : v i&ka 
who would begin a religious war for the Protestant cause; yet 
none of the princes in Germany have the courage to oppose 
themselves against the house of Austria’ 1 2 3 , (1) But beyond 
Cromwell*s offer of land in Ireland for the settlement of the 
Protestant exiles, wnlch was rejected, he seems to have done 
nothing more in the matter* An apparently similar appeal was 
sent to the king of Sweden through bishop Katthlae, (2) 

It would seem from various notices in the letters of 
Comenius and those immediately connected with him that he. 

Hart lib. Bury, and an unknown number of others, among whom we 
surmise were included FIgulus and a certain baron Sadovsky, 
were forming some secret vangelical Association charged with 
the task of overthrowing the House of Austria, This would 
appear to be a wild guess, where there not letters extant which 
©re full of intimations of such purport. In one of them 
Comenius Informed Hartlib that the greatest caution Is necessary 
as a very highly placed Hungarian official had expressed hiia- 
self that "tree esse audimus Caesar is jurat os hostes, Duraewa 
quendam et J* A. Comenium; tertil nomen nondum scire possurans." 
This third man was undoubtedly Hartlib, (3) 

(1) The full text in Kvacala: Korrespondence Kom., I (1897), 
p. 186-187. 

(2) Letter of Figulus to Hartlib, of Hov. 29, 1654, in Kva&ala: 
Korrespondence Kara., I, p.194—’’for the known Prince is 
fully resolved to join himself with other confederates to 
prosecute the work of G(od|*s vengeance upon his enemies, 
and of the deliverance of his oppressed and persecuted 

eople even with the spending of himselfe and spilling of 
his blood." 

(3) Kvacala: Korrespondence Kom*, I, p.187. 






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in the meantime, the initiated circles were in a 
state of agitated expectancy. Drabfk prophesied great changes 
to occur soon, involving the fall of the pope and obstruction 
of the House of Austria to follow the death of rnperor Ferdi¬ 
nand IH, which was to take place in 1654. There were rumors 
current that Cromwell was to unite his forces with the Dutch, 
and with the help of the Protestants of Bohemia to make him¬ 
self an ^mperator". (1) But all these expectations vanished 
Into thin air* unless Charles X of Sweden had really been 
actuated by s<£ne motives emanating from these mysterious 
COmenian circles in his Invasion of Poland in 1655. In this 
connection It is significant that leorge II Rakoezy actually 
joined his forces with those of the Swedish king during the 
invasion of Poland. Had Coraenian exhortation anything to do 
with this action of the Transylvanian prince? 

The scholastic labors of Comenius during his stay in 
Hungary were important from the point of view that he had an 
opportunity to work out his pansophlc ideal school. This was 
to consist of a six-year course, carefully graded, with a 
seventh year of study which was mainly theological in 
character. "Had such a school become common, secondary educa¬ 
tion in Europe might have been a century in advance of where 
the nineteenth century found lt n . "Unlike all educational 
practice of his time end later, Comenius here provided for an 

(1) Letter written by an unknown person to Hsrtlib, dated 

July 25, 1654 in Kvacala: Korrespondence Kora., I, 

p.188. 



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- 61 - 


educational ladder of the present-day American type, wholly 
unlike the European two-class school system which later 
evolved”, (l) it is true that out of the projected seven 
classes only three wore actually put into operation, because 
Comenius* short stay did not permit any further extent ion. 

But his experiment met, in general, with full sucoess, although 
he himself wa3 greatly dissatisfied with the Hungarian "raw 
material" of students, which seemed to have been unusually "raw". 

ore over, the court did not support his project as generously as 
it deserved, possibly because of the visionary political program 
of Comenius. He wrote some important pedagogic treatises, the 
best known and most popular of which was the famous "Orbis 
Pictus". This work "is the first illustrated reading book on 
record" (2), and by its aid language study of the most element¬ 
ary type was greatly facilitated. (3) It is not only an easy 
primer of the Latin language but is admirably adapted to teach 
the vernacular languages as well, for the Latin text was trans¬ 
lated into vernacular and placed side by side. Moreover, the 
school plays which Comenius introduced into the Patak school 
became extremely popular. This was an attempt to dramatize 

(1) Cubberly: The history of Education, Hew York, 1920,p.412. 

(2) Graves: A Student*s istory of Education, New York, 1920, 

p.412. 

(3) "Orbis sensuallum Pictus. Hoc est, omnium Fundamentalium 
in mundo rerum et vita actionnra Pictura et Nomenclatura". 
Horimberg, 1568. Although the book was prepared In 
Hungary, its publication was delayed many years on account 
of the difficulty of procuring suitable illustrations for 
the text. 



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the subjects of study, and was worked out by him In "Sohola 
Indus*. (1) it was in this respect that it becomes clearly 
apparent how far aliead of his time Cameniua was to entertain 
thoughts auch aa the dramatization of the subject-matter of 
school studies. In these plays he attempted to dramatize all 
that was presented in "Janua linguaruin", and in auch a pleas¬ 
ant way to teach both the subject-matter there contained as 
well aa the vocabulary* Another noteworthy, or rather start¬ 
ling, innovation which Coraeniua introduced into his Hungarian 
school was a regular gymnastic training of the body* 

(1) Sehola Indus, h.3., januae linguarum praxis scenica, 
etc. Saros-Patak, 1656* 



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- 63 - 


3* THE PERIOD OP ELABORATION OF THE MATURE PLANS OP COMENIUS 
coraanlus returned to Lissa in July, 1655, feeling that 
the prophecies of i-rabik failed, and thus his stay in Hungary 
was no longer necessary* But his residence at Lissa was not 
to be of a long duration. Charles X of Sweden had in the 
meantime invaded Poland, in July 1655, and soon the whole of 
Creator Poland was in his power. He found it easier, however, 
to defeat the Poles than to conquer Poland. The inevitable 
reaction soon set in and Charles, pressed by the Polish army, 
was finally farced to conclude peace. During the re-conquent 
of Poland by the Polish anny, the city of Lissa, which was 
known for its pro-Swedish leanings, was taken and completely 
destroyed (1656)* Cosmenius, as senior bishop of the Unity, 
had regarded it his duty to stay with his people, and in order 
to allay all suspicion of any intention on his part to remove 
from the Gity, had not even sent his books and manuscripts 
away. Now in the catastrophe which befell Lissa Comenius lost 
almost everything he possessed. Not only what little he had 
saved for his family was destroyed, but a great number of his 
literary works, as well as his library, perished. This loss 
was estimated at 3000 thalers of the . japire • (1) His Latin- 
Bohemian and Bohomian-Latin dictionary, on which he had 
spent forty-six years of labor, f°H © prey to flames, and 
with it a monumental work of the greatest importance to 
Bohemian literature. His pansophic writings, on some of 
which he had labored for twenty-five years, and which were 

(1) pell's letter of 17/27 July, 1656; in Smaha: Zkaza Lesna, 
in 5eska Skola, 1889. p.389. 



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- 64 - 


almost ready for publication, were likewise lost. (1) 

After this catastrophe, the effects of which a man of 
cornmenius* years could never hope to retrieve, he was offered 
refuge in the hospitable Holland, in the Amsterdam home of 
the son of his former patron, Laurentius Deoeer. There, in 
the city which offered secure haven to men of the most 
diverse opinions who were tolerated nowhere else, he at last 
found rest. He expressed his sense of gratitude for this 
peaceful retreat in the preface of his "Opera Didactica", 
dedicated to the city of Amsterdam, saying: "The storm of 
God which suddenly destroyed my second mother-land, Poland, 
cast me upon your shores, 0 Holland! you were long con¬ 
sidered a haven of refuge by the oppressed, as well as you, 
Amsterdam, you pearl among cities! " Friends extended to 
him a deeply appreciated aid in the form of building up his 
library. Thus he began to revive again, and threw himself 
into his accustomed ardous labors. It was here that he pub¬ 
lished, at the instigation of the council of the city of 
Amsterdam, his "Opera Didactica Omnia". This monumental 
work contains, in four parts, all his didactic writings 

I 


(1) "Sgo omnium jacturam pas3us, maxime ob ilia dolui, quae 
wullo pretio redimi possunt, manuscripta. In quibus 
sunt pansophica mea, quae ad mundum descripta proloque 
drata sunt. Sylva ite: t pansophica definitlonum (eaqua 
sapientiae) thesaurus"— Goraenius in his letter to 
Ileisenthaler, in Patera, correspondence Rom., (1892) 
p.189. For a description of the fall of Lissa see r. 
pell’s letter to Ur. Ilartllb, in Patera, op.cit., 
p.106. Moreover, Gomenius* own description in 
"^esnae hxcidium UDCLVI in April! factum, fide 

historica narratum." Amsterdam, 1656. 















ni 90 nri cuxf? .'fxwKtjtl 


0" z* ' . aiO'i'nX KJ|/T9 &Oi>JCtfaB*6* n'. » 











. - - iw.' I >boi 2J**rq o;..L 

■ 

rr t ci %? ;i •:• , •- a 3k- '•.... •* 

« . - >1*; 









- 65 - 


written from 1627 to 1657* The first part comprises the works 
written at Lissa, the second those of the Eiblng period, the 
third the writings composed at :»aros-?atak, and the last part 
his Amsterdam writings* These last named were mostly in the 
nature of a review or self-criticism of his pedagogical 
activity* Thus, for instance, his "Ventilabrum Sapientiae” 
expressed his strict judgment upon his didactic labors 
according to their real worth measured by successful results* 
Other treatises, as **S scholastic is Labyri ithis Exitus in 
planum”, ”Latium redivivum”, "Typographeum vivum” and 
n paradisus Juventuti Christianas reducendus”, were further 
explications or simplifications of his pedagogic system* 
Finally, the concluding treatise, ’’Traditio Lantpadia”, may 
be !lk«ned to comenius* didactic last will, for in it he 
encouraged other men like David Vechner, J. Rave, P. Colbovius, 
J* Tolnai, J. H. Ursinus, M. Hesenthaler, A. feinheimer, J. 
Spliess, and Justus Docemius, to carry on his didactic labors* 
He had received his commission to carry on the light from 
J* V. Andreae in 1628, when he constated the older man about 
the "Didactic” which he was then preparing (1). Now he him¬ 
self passed that commission on to younger men. 

In the year 1657 Emperor Ferdinand III died, and George 
Rakocsy, invading Poland with his army, made there a junction 
with the army of Charles X of Cseden* Thus it seemed to 
Comenius that at last the prophecies of Brabik were about to 
be fulfilled. He called together a group of his friends to 

(1) See Kvaoalaj Korrespondence Korn*, I, (1897) p*l and 2* 



y V' »•*'' q aJ lev o;:oX4aai!UXi|J7si3 to mnolSa^i, 















9Ti »U TT U 


■ 




. 








- 66 - 


til© house of he Geer, and there the question was discussed 
whetiler the prophecies of Drabik and of others should be 
published. Oamonius was appointed to perform the task, and 
the resulting book bore the title "Lux in Tenebris". It 
contained the prophecies of Christopher Kotter, of Christina 
Ponifetow3ka # to whose prophecies Comenius added a tractate 
"De veris et falsis Prophetis", and finally the revelations 
of llicholas Drabik. The book was republished in 1663, and 
finally in 1665, under the title of "Lux e tenebris, novis 
radiis aucta". This last edition was prompted by the hope 
of a successful fulfillment of the prophecies, which was 
afforded OomeniuB by the intended revolt of the Hungarian 
magnates against Austria, planned after the Peace of Vasvar 
in 1664. The unfortunate end of the insurrection Comenius 
did not live to see, or it would have added another dis¬ 
appointment to the long list of those already experienced. 
But the prophet Drabik expiated his prophecies by the loss 
of his life, for he was executed by the Austrians in Press- 
burg in 1671. A copy of Comenius 1 "Lux e Tenebris" was 
thrown into the flames which reduced the dead body of the 
prophet to ashes. (1) 


(1) In fact, as late as 1892, when all schools in Bohemia 
were preparing to celebrate the tereentennary of 
Comenius’ birthday, this was forbidden by order of the 
minister of education, Freiherr von Oautsch. See zibrt-' 
Bibliografie, V, part III, p.701. This order emanated 
from nperor Francis Joseph, to whom prince Fursteriborg, 
archbishop of Olomouc, had shown a copy of comenius 1 
11 Lux e Tenebris" with offending clauses underscored. 





ol ..ts »T * • T 4 lO Ci-JWt ttJ 


...!• . • ••’.t 

o • *o«f • J a 8l 

. 

|4j !. 

*w v. . - - A ♦IV.iX fli (,* 

Ill 1 ■ 

■ 





- 67 - 


These prophecies pictured in glowing terms the imminent 
destruction of the House of Austria as well as the downfall 
of the Pope, and as such created an immense sensation at the 
time* But when none of the pictured events came to pass, the 
public interest subsided, until the Turks besieged Vienna in 
16So. Then the book was again in groat demand. As ~ayle 
says in his Dictionary that "had Vienna been taken, Drabicius 
would have been more talked of than the Grand Vizier." 

The only tangible result which came to reward comenius* 
very honest and sincere zeal in a cause which he considered 
divine, was that a few men attacked him for his credulity. 
Among these Nicholas Arnold, a divinity professor at Franeker, 
and Samuel de Carets (r aresius) a divinity professor at 
Groningen, were the most prominent. 

Another serious litereary conflict into which 
Comenius plunged was with a polish anti-trinitarian, Daniel 
^wicker, who published in 1658 a book entitled "Irenicum 
ironicorum, seu reconcilistlonis hodiemorum Christianorum 
norma triplex". In this book ['.wicker professed to find 
soiuething good in all sects of Christendom, and proposed to 
construct out of them one catholic Church; but in reality 
he interpreted this Catholic Cliurc in the Socinian sense. 
Toward the end of the book, enumerating those who were in 
agreement with him in this proposal, he mentioned, among 
others, also Comenius. 

Feeling called upon to answer this unwelcome notice of 
his irenic activities—for her had always and consistently 













■- ■ -■ ■ r • ti 




— 


- 68 - 


opposed Socinianism—comenius answered wicker in his "De 
Irenico Irenicorum. Hoc est: Conditionbus pacis a Socini 
secta reliquo christiano orbi oblatis, ad amnes Christianos 
facta admonitio" . This book, published in 1660, was 
followed by an interchange of replies, Zwicker wrote two, 
to both of which Comenius replied, besides writing some other 
treatises directed against the Socinians. That both 
comenius and his friends felt this literary struggle to be 
unfruitful and wasteful of time, is apparent from a letter 
of art lib to Dr. Worthington: "I hope the quarrel is ended 
between him (— comenius^ and the Ironical antagonist........ 

He is fully resolved for the future to undertake no other 
treatises but only the pansophical work and the P.w." 

(—Fhllosophicae Methodus) (1) 

Comenius was also very active in the service of his 
dispersed flock for which he cared as best he could. Hot 
only did he conduct extensive collections for the benefit of 
those among the exiles who were reduced to utter poverty, 
but he cared for their spiritual condition as well. In 1658 
he published a prototype of modern ’’shorter Bibles" under 
the title "Map.uainik aneb Jadro cele bibli svate" (A Manual* 
or the Kernel of the entire Holy Scriptures) (2), as well as 
a Church Hywnal (1659), and the Confession of Faith (1662), 
which was a reprint of the confession of 1535 (3), besides 
other less important publications. 


(1) Letter dated Hov.2,1661, in the Diary of Dr. Worthington. 

II, p.68 J * 

(2) A copy of this rare edition is in the writers library. 

(3) In the Library of the "Bohemian Reformation". vol. IV. 

Prague, 1918. * * 




• -* •- 

* 1 ■' ■ V r'Vj O. 

1 • ' 


: ' • a) 

* • : (i 

* - ' \ r 





- 69 - 

He remained zealous in his great life-work of ironic 
endeavors. In 1660, at the occasion of the restoration of 
the English Stuarts in the person of Charles II, Coraenius 
published and dedicated to the king his "De Bono Unitatis", 
which in its English translation, made by certain Joshua 
lymarchus, [bore the title: "An Exhortation of the Churches 
of Bohemia j to the Church of England". By means of this 
book Coraenius wished to influence the decision of the form 
of government of the £ngiian church. In it ne described the 
ecclesiastical polity of the "Unites Pratrura", recommending 
it as the one best suited for the English people. He prayed 
the king that he "would be pleased to comend this endeavor 
in ray name, to the busie sticklers of the said controversie 

■i 

among you, that they may peruse it, and see if anything may 
be gathered, even from thence, to the diswaging of the 
animosities and the enlarging of good affections". (1) 

moreover, his missionary and irenic zeal was evident 

h 

from his active aid and interest in the translation of the 
Scriptures into Turkish, which was to have been made by a 
certaiqi Dr. Levin arner, and published by de Geer. In 
1667 Coraenius actually wrote the preface to this aork, 
addressed to the Sultan ohairsnod iv, but the translation 
was disapproved by expert scnolars, and consequently was 
never published* 

The last important book of Coraenius was the "Unura 
necessarium". It was published in 1668, when the author 


( 1 ) 


Preface of the English translation} a copy of the work 
is in the Newberry Library, Chicago, Ill. 



i 

U< , • ' 

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* 7 ; ( '(.> 

. 

v, : 0^ - io . 

t- ■ & . . 

■ 

- 

. 

* - 





- 70 - 


was 77 years old, and pointed, as the title indicates, to 
the only tiling needful in life or death* In this book, which 
may be likened to Augustine's confessions, oomonius appeared 
primarily as a simple believer to whom union with Christ was 
his all in all* For the Church he had this last word of 
advice: "in all things essential unity, in those less need¬ 

ful (which are called additions), freedom; and in all things 
love to all". lis own simple confession of faith he atated 
as follows: "If someone should ask me about my theology, I 
would seise (with dying Aqulnns, for I myself am about to die) 
the Bible, and would say with all my heart and in a plain 
language: I believe all that is written in this book! If 

someone should inquire more closely about my confession of 
faith, T would s^ow him the Apostolic, for I know nothing 
shorter, simpler, or pithier, nothing that could sooner bring 
me to a decision in all controversies, and to save me the end¬ 
less labyrinths of disputation. If someone should ask what 
selected prayer-forms I use, I would point him to the Lord's 
prayer; for I am persuaded that no one can show a key that 
opens the Father’s hear easier than the only-begotten Son 
who proceeded from the Father. If he should ask about my 
rules of life, I would show the Decalogue, for I am sure 
that no one can say better what is pleasing to God than God 


himself" (1)* A confession of a thoroughly religious 
seventeenth century Christian! but one who had lifted hira- 


( 1 ) 


A Bohemian translation of "Unum nocessarium" was made 
by Dr. Jar. Ludvikb‘sky, and published in Prague, 1920; 

the passage cited la found in chap. X,9. 










« . - . 

■ • • • • .. '. . - '1 . 

Tm • • l elli 


■ 



; . , ■ isfi 


, ■ , :• * 1 Ii* ca I' ;ar tro'i 






• " Xi IX* -:xjit L » , I 




! ?*>' * w a Miit T t " •'? 



to 4 «wlq* U «v 

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. 




- 71 - 


self above the narrow confines of the dogmatic confessional 
orthodoxy. 

Camenius’ great regret was that his pansophic writings 
were still incomplete. He worked on them to the end of his 
life, and feeling that his days were soon to be numbered, 
he asked his son, Daniel, to bind himself with a most solemn 
promise to complete this labor after he himself should have 
passed away. In this work he associated with Daniel another 
man, Christopher Bigrin, who really worked upon the appoint¬ 
ed task for nine years, yet the writings ere never 
published, and even the manuscripts have hitherto not been 
recovered. 

Cornea .us* whose leath could be expected any time, died 
suddenly on Bov. 15, 1670, at Bearden, near Amsterdam, and 
was buried in the local Walloon church. (1) Thus the 
earthly tabernade of the exile, who throughout his life 
longed passionately for return to his native land, found a 
permanent resting place in the kindly soil of Holland. 


(1) Among the commonest mistakes with which one meets is 
the date of the death of comenius, generally given 
as Bov. 15, 1671. This mistake xirobably originated 
in the fact, that Daniel Comenius wrote a letter to 
Th. Spizel in the early part of 1671, in which he 
announced the death of his father. It was erroneously 
concluded that Comenius had died the same year in 
which the let er was written. But if an earlier 
letter of Daniel, written to John Almeloveen, had 
been consulted, tills error would have been prevented. 

In this letter, it is expressly stated that Comenius 
died on Bov. 15, 1670. See vaeala: Horrespondence 
Tr om., II (1838) p.359 and 360. Moreover, in the 
Haarden church records this entree is found: "Johannes 
Amo* Coraeniua enterre le 22. Hov. 1670. C*est apparera- 
ment le fameux Autheur du Janua lingua rum. Cf. Zoubek- 













• ' 


• -V - » : , t *. -Off . xt •: * • X. ' i 



























- *esic '<:> fxiJ a <<*» i **&* :XXwi on* ,s2i£ift vuiqpcd aired j 4 x 

* 




















(II .nom&a ftv&lXjs Xaaol art ai fc^J^tx/d 





















-72- 

—novas--r vot. 7 ' mag, p.g s s - 

recently the village of llaardeu was incorporated with the 
neighboring Bus sum and other villages, and the resulting 
municipality bears the name Bussura* 











Qlf 



- 73 - 


CHAPTER III. 

COMEHIUS* IRL’KIC PROGRAM AND ACTIVITY. 

Having briefly surveyed the life of Comeniua and 
touched upon the various reform movement In which he became 
prominent. It is proper to scan more closely that phase of 
his activity which forms the proper subject of the present 
Investigation. In studying his irenic program and activity, 
it will be necessary to go into particulars of such writings 
and undertakings as fall within the scope of this phase of 
Comenius* life, even though It be done at the risk of some 
unavoidable repetition. 

In order to present this matter systematically, the 
materials may be divided into two main groups: first, 
Comenius* attitude to such M non-evangelical” coamunlons as, 
for instance, the Roman Catholic Church, the Socinian body, 
and other minor sects; secondly, his attitude toward the 
* evangelical" bodies, by which designation he meant the 
Calvinistio and the Lutheran churches, as well as his own 
cOBKiunion. (1) 

In regard to the first group, he at first excluded it 
definitely from his scheme of union. Later in his "pansophlc" 
plan, theoretically all Christendom, or in fact the whole 
humankind, was Included in one ground program of reconcilia¬ 
tion, provided all men were willing to submit to the educa¬ 
tional process required therein. But he himself felt that 


(1) Cf. for his definition "Tnlasenl", ch.X, in Veskere 
Spisy, XVII, p.319. 



. 




ftFT.-O iX V. • • t • - ' - 


< .’TO 1 «. HM 




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'i - '-v . ' a r.: t .. : . . -.x' ham 




• . . • •.•v«* 

js$© in k « c •-• anHiluI aril ix .-a mlJ larlvXa.* 

. :, . o :. - '^o 


Ji. '4&Jktit)xm i *'•> <■ ~ . - .• . . 

. . n 

•>. ~ . > , •■ •■ .- _ i©J . 


-U € : , -a. vJ .11 (X) 

- 



- 74 - 


there was little immediate hope or such an eventuality and 
as a matter of fact found it necessary to oppose these 
eofisaunioas to a greater or less degree throughout his life. 
But since this was the negative side of his activity and 
did not add materially to his irenic scheme proper, it need 
not be treated at great length. 

In regard to the second group of churches, the subject 
naturally divides itself into a consideration of ^ornenius 1 
theoretical irenic program or platform for uniting Christen¬ 
dom; and, secondly, of his practical activity directed to 
carry out his program. As for the first part, his irenic 
program underwent, after he had worked out the idea of 
"Pansophy” (1637, if the date of the publication of the 
"Panaophiae Prodroraus” be adopted), a radical change. Thus 
his scheme up to 1637, which will be found to differ but 
little from the irenic programs of such men as Clixtus and 
Dury, will first be considered, and this will be followed by 
a discussion of the really original contribution which 
Comenius worked out in his "Pansopihy”. Lastly, after noting 
the practicaly endeavors of Comenius to realize his 
theoretical program, the study will close with an attempt 
to evaluate his contribution to human progress in the light 
of his age, as well as in its potentiality toward the solu¬ 
tion of similar problems to-day. 


.... . - * 

#1 -iK ■.'ClOII 

... 

,>.r ujfa±x *'# ntts ?iWI ^ ai /. f^rtf ferrori «c wo-r'i 




• 75 - 


I. C0M3NIUS* ATTITUDE TO THE "NON-EVANGELICAL* CHURCHES. 

The outbreak of the Yhiry Years ’ ar marks the first 
definite expression of Comeniua* attitude toward other 
Christian bodies, and, strange to say, this first work was of 
a polemical character, even though it was defensive in its 
intention. The book was written in response to the situation 
in the lands of the Bohemian crown after the Outbreak of the 
conflict of 1618. Since Paul V. is mentioned as the reigning 
pontiff (1)* the termination ad quern is given us by the date 
of his death (Jan. 28,1621), which date also carries us beyond 
the Battle of White Mountain (Nov.8, 1620). Comenius him¬ 
self speaks of this work in his letter to P. Montana (2) 
that "perceiving that the clouds of persecution are collecting 
(for lightning flashes first before it strikes), X wrote 
Praemonitiones adversus Antichristianas aeductiones (Retunk 
etc.), a work of considerable size", which, however was not 
published, although the manuscript was copied by many. This 
work was offered to the seniors of the Church for approval, 
as the Order of "TJ iitas Fratrum" required, but its publication 
was postponed, and finally, on account of changed conditions, 
abandoned altogether. 

Two manuscripts of this work are preserved, one of which 
is kept in the court Library of Vienna, and the other at the 
Bohemian Museum of Prague. 

It is strange that a great irenic leader like Ceetenius 
should have begun his career with a pdbmical work against the 

(1) Retunk, chp. XIV. 

(2) patera, -Correspondence loan., p.234. 






' 















t ^aoXJXocoo t 1 o 

.ivr^eyoJI* lx *110 





t ,^r. flMtaJbwqewstf- 


,VIX *ata/*©fi (I) 





- 76 - 

Roman uhurch. Yet, the work was written with the purpose 
of preventing or lessening the great number of accessions to 
that body brought about by persecution, or offers of reward, 
or otherwise. The author pointed out (1) eight propositions 
which form the basis of his judgment of the Roman Catholic 
Church. These were as follows: 1.) the Scriptures are not 
the only basis of the doctrines and practices of that Church; 
2.) the bases upon which the Roman Church is built are in¬ 
sufficient; 3*) the Roman communion appeals to the sensuous, 
instead of to the spiritual nature in man? 4.) it searches 
after worldly glory and honor; 5.) its priests live a worldly 
life; 6.) it accomodates itsself to the demands of temporal 
powers; 7.) it confounds worldly power with spiritual func¬ 
tions exercised by popes and prelates; 8.) finally, the pope 
Is, in the judgment of many, the Antichrist. 

This introductory charge was followed by a more detailed 
exposition of the separate iteraB. The only canon of faith, 
said the author, is the Bible, not the Church. This assertion, 
which is nothing else but the familiar "formal principle of 
the Reformation n , was butressed by many citations drawn from 
the writings of various Church Fathers. The Scriptures are 
Infallible, being the very .ord of God, while the Church and 
General Councils and popes may fall and have fallen into error. 
The appeal of tne Roman Churc . to antiquity is of no avail, for 
a truly historical study of the primitive church reveals it 
to be contrary to the usages of the contemporary papal church. 


(1) Retunk, ehp. Ill 




aeoQVTJ Min cjovj >«rt.v <>v 

- : . ■ •• ' ' • • • ™ 

.k,n r v, V . , - ■ ' .* -rwfo 


rlkn zX v^tt; D o**©J9 c t> rfoJt.V ncgi* u»a&o s :* 
a-toe c / a * ' -• ••!•* • *. v * : • •' -VUi*' 

r. C'/JI V . (. • -*;•••' ■ ru 

i;;v .i ■ ' ■ (•« ■ ’-^1 

. 

; t. : or; - / » •: •' \ '• 

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i« it a ^ ; •»«. >4t >.* ■ 1 tc a 

^rto; , aaa > add 4&: tOlrfit* «i!4 •£ o 




. > * 


B’V : u dor&rtl) ej;oi*i«v “i* acail^l r c* 















- 77 - 


On the other hand, it is possible to prove that the ceremonials 
of the Homan Church originated to a large degree from non- 
Christian and heretical sources. Neither is the boast of the 
immutability of its faith justified, for the Church is no 
longer in accord with the primitive teachings and usages. In 
fact, the Roman Church is not even Catholic, nor is the papal 
claim to apostolic succession proven; on tho contrary, the 
author advanced arguments to prove that Poter never visited 
Rome, much less was bishop there. Moreover, even if this 
were true, the apostolic succession would have been broken by 
the pa peas Johanna, as well as during the periods of schism 
when it was difficult to determine who the lawful pope was. 
Turning again to the subject of papal power, the author pro¬ 
nounced it impertinent for the pope to set himself up as the 
vicar of Christ, for he could neither prove his authority 
from the Scriptures, nor was he ever elected to such an 
office. In fact. Scriptural prophecies proclaimed hira to bo 
the Antichrist, whom to obey is highly dangerous. He gained 
his power by deceit and lies. 

Then the author turned to warn all Christians against 
the guiles of this Antichirst, and expressed his re great over 
those who succumbed to his machinations; especially did he 
warn those evangelicals who were tempted to join the Roman 
Church either by offers of reward or by fear of persecution. 
Finally, he exhorted parents to greater zeal in educating 
their children, and the evangelical ministers and magistrates 


a 

iV '■ i J Owt nlu; * '••’urrB 

* 



- 78 - 


to a greater zeal la the discharge of their duties. (1) 

The same hostile attitude toward the Roman Church is 
plainly diaoemable in the later writings of Comeaius. 

Speaking specifically, he reproached it with having 
apostasized from the purity of the apostolic teaching by 
submitting to the hoke of the Antichrist—the papacy. "Then 
came in the mystery of iniquity, priestly and episcopal 
pride, followed by great schisms within the Church, until 
finally the Antichrist gained vitory and brought all things 
under his tyrannous sway" (2). Thus it follows that the 
dogmatic teachings of the Roman Church were characterized 
by camenius as "errors of Antichrist", while the Jesuit Order 
was termed "the horde of Antichrist". (3) The doctrine of 
the sacraments is erroneous, because it is in excess of the 
teaching of the Scriptures. " In excesau, above the proper 
fashion of regarding the sacraments, are the papists, for 
they ascribe to them greater power than God declared them to 
have; for they regard them ex pere operato , and make a god 
of the sacrament". (4) The ceremonials were rejected in the 
strongest terras, being spoken of as "Ornaments of the Baby¬ 
lonian harlot" portrayed in the Book of Revelation, and the 
author exhorted the refared churches to purge the temple of 

(1) Cf.Uovak: Ja i Amos Komensky, leho zivot a spisy, p. 51-53. 

(2) Ot^zky o jednot&, chp.I, in Veskere Spisy, XVII, p.266. 

(3) aggaeus Redivivus, in Ve&kere Spisy, XVII, p.208. 

(4) Ohla&eni, chp. X, in veskere Spisy, XVII, p.322. 







. * 








_ 


. : :L : ' . * ■ it 













- 79 - 


God of this and suchlike filth.(1) 

It may be mentioned in this connection that Comenius 
objected to the kwinglian and -nabaptlst interpretations of 
the Lord’s Supper on similar grounds, considering them to be 
"in dufectu" of what the Scriptures teach. They are said to 
have ascribed to the sacraments "less than Is proper and than 
the Viord of God requires, making of the sacrament of the 
most precious Supper of the Lord a mere symbol and memorial”. 
He added that the Brethren had utterly repudiated any such 
interpretation. (3) 

But the most extensive anti-Roman polemical writing of 
Comenius was composed during the controversy with the famous 
Capuchin monk. Valerian Magni. This monk, who had formerly 
been a member of the Reform Commission in Bohemia and thus 
was well known in that country, wrote a book in which he 
sought to reduce the Protestant "formal principle” of the 
supreme authority of the Scriptures ad absurdum. In the 
second part of his book, on the other hand, Hagnl sought to 
prove that the only feasible authority in matters of faith 
is to be sought in the pope and the general councils. 

Comenius was strangely affected and impressed by this able 
work of a veteran piemicist. In a letter which he sent to 
Valerian along with his answer to Valerian’s book, Comenius 
showed himself an open-minded seeker after truth, not a blind, 
bigoted opponent. He sought light conscientiously, and was 

(1) Baegaeua Redivivus, in Veskere Splay, XVII, p.206. 

(2) Ohla&enl, Ch. X, in VeSkere Spisy, XVII, p.322. 





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- 80 - 


not averse to receive it even from tiie Roman oatholies, the 
sworn enemies of Protestanism* * He wrote: 

n ;hen I first received your book where in you deal with 
such great themes and carry the argument with such self- 

confidence.*1 dared to read it no further# until I have 

thrown myself with your book before my God, in order to seek 
light (urn Blindheit flehend). I then humbly besought God, if 
He had sent me new light of truth, to grant me the grace of 
perceiving it* Then I perceived that I am to write this work 
as an answer to yours, after I had dedicated all my mind and 
soul to God, that He might use my spirit and will as well as 


ray pen as He wills*" (1) 

His answer to Valerian Uagni is contained in two treatises, 
the first of which is entitled "judicium De Judicio Valcriani 
[ agni Mediolanenjis, super Jatholicorum at Acatholicorum credendi 
Regula. Sive Absurd it a turn Echo.” The preface to this work is 
dated June 1, 1644* The second treatise bore the title "Judicium 
Ulrioi lieufeldii De Pidei Catholicaa Regula Catholic a, eiusque 
Catholioo usu, ad Valerianun Magnum, omnosque Cathollcos". 

The preface of this work bears the date of June 1, 1645.(2) 
Comenius pointed out in these treatises that the Raman Church 


( 1 ) 

( 2 ) 


“Tiber des 


rora the German translation of Gindely. in his 

• A.Comenius* Leben, p.45* 
couy of both treatises, bound together with the De 
issidentiura”, and bearing the common title "Ireniea quas¬ 
ar scrinta pro pace Ecclesia J* A. comenii”, is found in 
he library of the University of Gotlngen. Through the 
indness of Rev. Heilraann of Gottingen, the writer was 
•ortunate to obtain a transcript of these works. 






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-81- 


places the authority of the Church above the Scriptures and 
thus really subordinates the Scriptures to itself. (1) More¬ 
over, he claimed that the evangelicals or Biblicist, as 
valerian called them, find their supreme authority in the 
Bible itself, not in some interpretation of it, either by 
pope, or general council, or an individual. (2) His argument 
reminds one of Chill ingworth’s famous dictum that not a 
confessional interpretation, but the Bible alone, is the re¬ 
ligion of the Protestants* (3) 

In the end, Comenius c aimed that he meant to enter into 
no polemics with the Catholics, but that his present treatises 
were intended to serve as an explanation of misunderstandings* 
As he expressly said in the preface of the second treatise: 

"Ego membrum illius Kccleslae sum, quae tertio iam seculo 
(a temporibus Husei) Deo suo in spiritu et veritate sorvire 
contents, de Veritatls praerogativa oum aliis contendere non 
quasivitj aliana lltigia tacite speotans, utque Deus ip 3 e 
Lucem suam tenebras, Veritatemque, errores tandem eluctari 
faceret suspirans. Polemicum ergo aliquid in publicum scribere 

rrdhi nunquam venerat in mentem..Hon polemicum esse hoc 

scriptum, acerbum et odiosum, sed placidum et amicabile." ( 4 ) 

So that by classing these two treatis es among polemics, it is 

(1) "Suirsaa consilii tui est: Non fidendum esse privatae 
acripturarum interpretation! aut unius vel illius doctoris 
ab ecclesia separating sod publicae, quae est ecclesiae 
in concilio congregatae, quae a spiritu S. infallibititer 
docta omnia fidei dogmata determinate Talem vero ecclesiam, 
oui soli fid! potest, esse Catholicam Romanam." In 
"Absurd! tatum -«cho", Cap. XIIII. 

(2) See von Criegern, Comenius als Theolog, p.62. 

(3) ChIllingworth, The Religion of Protestants a Safe Way to 
Salvation. The fifth edition was published at London in 1684 

(4) From Kvadala: Sur Lebensgesehichte des Comenius, in M.C.B. ,11 
p.138. Ulric Heufeld is a pseudonym adopted by Comenius for 
this occasion. 








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- 82 - 


done in spite of the express disclaimer of Coraenius. 

That Gomenius* attitude toward the Roman Church could 
be described as almost hostile, should cause no surprise, if 
it be remembered that he lived during the terrible conflict 
of the Thirty Years* War, during which that monkish-spirited 
weakling, riperor Ferdinand II, wreaked most horrible suffer¬ 
ing upon the unhappy Bohemians and Moravians in an effort to 
"save their souls'*, What wonder, then, if the poor exile, 
whose fondest hopes of return were most bitterly disappointed 
and the interest of his nation betrayed by thosewhOKi he 
trusted as friends, should give vent to his anguish in words 
of burning passion? Such is the language of Comenius in the 
"Last Till of the dying mother. Unity,'* which was written 
after the peace of estphalia had sealed the fate of the 
luckless exiles of Bohemia. There he cries out: 

"Neither can I forget you,....... who as a mother hast 

borne us, thou Church of Rome! Thou hast been our mother, 
but hast become a step-mother, yea, even a wild she-boar which 
licks the blood of her young ones. I wish that thou mayest 
come to thyself and repent, and that thou mayest leave the 
Babylon of thy abominations. To which end I bequeath thee— 
if perchance it might aid t}lee—my own example of honoring 
God, who had remembered us in the days of our former back¬ 
wardness by leaving the darkness of thy idolatry and by 
following the light of His ord. And if thou refusest this, 

I bequeath thee nothing but the worn of evil conscience. 

More over, I bring against thee the witness of the blood of 





















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- 83 - 


nty sons and of other martyrs of Jesus Christ whom thou hast 
slain between tho temple and the altar, Thou makest thyself 
the spiritual Jerusalem, and Indeed thou art Jerusalem; not 
the spiritual one, however, but as it was in the days of 
prophets and of Christ and his apostles. I bequeath to thee 
as thy hereditary possession the words spoken to that 
Jerusalem by the Lord: *0 Jerusalem, Jerusalem, that killeth 
the prophets and stoneth them that are sent unto her • how 
often would I have gathered thy cliildren together, even as a 
hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, but ye would not! 
Behold, your house is left unto you desolate l There is your 
sentence, thou Jerusalem of the New Testament; await they 
execution! To they sons as their inheritance I bequeath the 
God-givai right to defend the glory of their eternal Father 
to whoa they were borne by thee, and to contend with thee 
and show thee that thou art hot His wife unless thou "put 
away they adulteries from thy face*" And if thou even then 
shouldst not return and ahouldst not make thy sons rejoice 
over thy return to their Father, I bequeath a seal for God 
to the kings of the earth, who have not yet borne thee upon 
their backs, that they in abhorrence of thee bum thee with 
fire as a filthy harlot". (1) That is possibly the clearest 
summing up of Gomenius’ attitude to the Ro an Catholic Church. 

That oOmenius was actually ready to "bequeath a seal 
for God to the kings of the earth" is apparent from the short 

(14 K&aft umirajici matky Jednoty Bratrske, Praha-Vinohrady, 
1894, p*19ff• 














































/'J<i osll 








































- 84 - 


treatise addressed to Sigisinund Rakoczy, prince or Transyl¬ 
vania. (1) liuch or the warlike sentiment expressed therein 
was doubtless inspired by the anti-Austrian and anti-papal 
bellicose prophecies or Drabik. Yet, ror the time, Comonius 
identiried himself with the program of Drablk, and with him 
must share in responsibility for the sentiments there ex¬ 
pressed. Therein Gomenius again identified the Roman Church 
with the beast of the Apocalypse and with * abylon the Great*, 
wherein "all things are confused together, divine wisdom 
with human, the religion of Christ with paganism, and spiritual 
power with secular." Christ began the work of liberation of 
his scattered peoples from the power of this beast, but com¬ 
plete liberation will not be accomplished until in the days 
of total destruction of the beast. In this work, according 
to prophecy, the kings of the earth are to co-operate. 

Among these, the prince of Transylvania is to hold a chief 
place. The means whereby the darkness and confusion could be 
dispersed from schools and the Church were pansaphic education 
and "Collegium Lucia”; but the only way to overcome the 
political power of "the Beast” was by force. "Politicaa autera 
tenebras, tyraunidera et oppresssiones, pellendi medium est 
Qladius virtute Lei arraatus." Thus Comenius was actually 
ready to advise and advocate armed conflict with the political 
power of the Churcb of Rome, and adhered to that position 
throughout his life. 

(1) 3ermo Secretus Uathanis ad Davidem. In Kvaoala: 
correspondence Bom., 1902, p.249 ff. 




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- 85 - 


The second life-long theological polemic of Comenius was 
with the Socinians. To these he was introduced early in life, 
and their views must have seriously disquieted him. ii© re¬ 
counted his experiences with them in a letter to Baron olzogen, 
(1) written from Amsterdam in 1659, according to which he had 
first met with the Socinians during his early school-days at 
P^erov. Some foreigners, passing through the city, stopped at 
the school and were entertained by the teacher of the school. 

Dub In. tJpon departure they left him a copy of the recently pub¬ 
lished Catechism of noscorovus, and it was then discovered that 
they were Socinians. The book was burned* but not till 
Comenius had read it. The doubts raised thereby in the mind 
of the young student required several years of serious struggle 
for settlement, but the future conduct of Comenius gave proof 
that lie had fully convinced himself of the erroneousness of the 
Socinian tenets. 

Tnen in 1637 a Socinian leader, Melchior Scheffer, pub¬ 
lished a treatise in which he sought to prove that Jesus was 
raised fram the dead by the power of his Father, and not his 
own. Comenius, irfho was elected to the office of the scribe of 
the Church, had among other duties also the task of answering 
any writing either directed against the "Unites Fratrum" or 
any other he was ordered to answer (2). He was asked to pub- 

<1) see An Open Letter to Baron olzogen, in Kvacala: 

Correspondence com., 1898, Vol* IX, p.251 If. 

(21 For the duties of Comenius as scribe of the Unity, as 
well as the register of his election see Cindely: 

Bekrety Jednoty Bratrske, p.277 ff. 




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- 86 - 


lish a refutation of the treatise of Scheffel, and consequent¬ 
ly wrote a itenaan treatise; "Prage, ob unristus sich selbst 
auferweckt babe" (1638), In this work he advanced his argu¬ 
ments on the basis of the Creek text of the Hew Testament that 
the Bocinian exegesis was not supported by the original Greek 
version of the narratives in question* 

Later he entered Into controversy with a certain Doctor 
Jonas Schlichting, a man of great importance among the Socinians. 
He was one of the loading writers on Socinianisra, and was 
author of a Confession of Fait&, which was quite generally 
accepted as authoritative among his Polish co-religionists.(l) 
This Confession was condemned as heretical at the Diet of War¬ 
saw in 1646, and was publicly burned by the executioner. Its 
author was banished from Poland, and found refuge in the Nether¬ 
lands. There he published, in 1654, an apology of Socinianisra, 
which Camenius felt called upon to answer in his treatise; 

"De Christ ia no rum vero Deo, patre, Filio, et Spiritu sancto 
fldes antique" (1659. 

In the same year coraenius wrote an open letter to Baron 
Wolzogen, in which he plainly indicated his utter rejection 
of the tenets of Socinianisra. He clearly stated that he did 
not consider the Socinians as being within the group of 
evangelical Christian churches. He labored to prove that they 
had a different God, or rather had two gods, one increate, the 
other oreated being; they had a differenct Christ, for they 

(1) This bore the title; confeasio fidei Christianae illarum 
eocle8larum, quae In polonia unura Deura et filiura ejus 
unigenitum Jeaum Christum et spiritual s. corde sancto 
profitentur, 1642. 



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-87 


held him to be a natural son of Mary, but a “titular 1 son 
of God, who, moreover, did not exist from all eternity, but 
only since hia birth from Mary. They also had a “new gos¬ 
pel, which was “neither foolishness to the Greeks nor an 
offense to the Jews'*, *'oreoeer, they had a different faith, 
baptism and hope. Therefore, the Socinians have left the 
true apostolic faith, and Comenius disclaimed any friendly 
connection with them. "periculosum est a Vobis araari, 
periculosum salutari, poriculosiaa nunusculis affici. Plus 
hie ost quam—timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes”. (2) 

But the most persistent and bitter anti-Socinian 
controversy in which Goraenius indulged was with Daniel 
hwicker, a most interesting anti-Trinitarian of that century. 

He was a native of Dansig (1612) but was expelled from his 
native city on account of holding views considered unorthodox. 
He wandered into Poland, and later lived a long time in 
Moravia, where he had much intercourse with the Brethren. 

Thence he went to Amsterdam, where he died in 1678. His most 
important work was “ironicum Irfcnicorum, seu Keconciliatoris 
Christianorum Norma Triplex, ad hodiernorum nonullorum, Veri- 
tatis et ?acls Universalis amantium Virorum votum et senten- 
tiam." (1658) This is a most interesting treatise, for in 
advance of the opinions of its day. Zwicker professed to be¬ 
long to no existing sect, but found something good in every 
one of them; he suggested that the good element of all religious 

(1) Kvacala; Korrespondenc© K am., 1898, vol.II, p.262. 






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- 88 - 


oonununions be combined into one general all-comprehensive 
church, The book was dedicated to the pope and prelates of 
the Greek and Homan and Reformed churches, to whom he 
appealed for the execution of his irenic scheme. As for him¬ 
self, he claimed to be "neither a Lutheran, nor a Calvinist, 
nor a Remonstrant, nor a Greek Orthodox, nor a Roman Catholic, 
nor a Sociniaa, nor a Mennonite, nor of any other of the 
present day sects. But although X am not connected directly 
with any of them, instead of despising theip,X desire to re- 
forsa them all in accordance with the divine Truth which alone 
I profess to follow." As for the partial good of each 
individual religious communion, Zeicker ascribed "to the 
Bohemian Brethren asad the Lutherans the beginning of Reforma¬ 
tion and of Christian liberty* to the Calvinists the first 
use of reason in theology* to the Remonstrants an advance in 
liberty of conscience* to the Greek church, the preservation 
of the ancient truth, as well as the Bible itself, together 
with the Fathers; to the Roman Church, the necessity of good 
works, together with the preservation of some Latin Fathers* 
to the Socinlans, felicitous use of judgment* and finally, 
to the Hennonites a more faithful manner of the life of Christ, 
not explicit, but shadowed forth. Indeed........I confess that 

all the present-day sects of Christians without any dis¬ 
crimination whatever are churches of Christ." (1) 

Xwicker made an allusion in his book to Comenius, stating 

(1) Zaftcker'x Irenicum, etc., p.79* quoted from a note of 
James Grossley in The Diary of Dr. John Worthington, 
vol. I, p.291-92. 









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- 03 - 


that the latter was in accord with the sentiments expressed 
therein* This was correct insofar as the consummation of 
an organic union of Christendom was concerned; but it was 
the contrary of the truth insofar as the method or means for 
the accomplishment of that objective were concerned. Whether 
Zwicker disclaimed any connection with the Socinians or not, 
he certainly was an anti-Trinitarian, and so close to the 
Socinian positions that Comenius treated him consistently as 
a Socinian* His book against hwicker was entitled: ”De 
Irenlco Irenicorum, hoc est Conditionibua pads a Socini 
Socta reliquo Ghristiano orbi oblatis ad cranes Christianos 
fecta admonitio* (1660). This treatise was not directed 
against Zwioker expressly, for it did not name him, but was 
intended to be a refutation of the arguments presented in 
Zwicker’s book. To this the latter replied the following year 
with his "Irenico Mastix Perpetuo Convictua et Constrictus”, 
in which he boasted of his victory over Gomenius (reiterated 
more than sixty times), who is said to have not a word to 
answer. But evidently Goraeuius had a few words to say about 
it* He published in the same year f, J. A*. Gomenii de iterato 
Socinland Irenlco iterate ad Christianas Adiionitio”. In 
this treatise he answered ^wicker*s book sentence by sentence, 
and his tone was unusually sharp. In the preface to this 
work, dedicating it to the senate of Amsterdam, Gomenius 
expressed his regret that the present controversy occupied so 
much of his precious time which should liave been spent on a 
much worthier subject—the Pansophy* Moreover, he published 






• •> 


















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- 90 - 


th« same year a refutation of the Socinian Catechism in his 
'Socinisiai Speculum”, in which he expressed himself decided¬ 
ly against the tenets of the Racovian catechism. Zwicker, 
on his part, was not to be outdone* lie brought forth hia 
Irenico nastigis pars speclalis, seu Confutatio finalls 
Cosaenil et aliorum” (1660)* To this Comenius replied in the 
closing treatise, *J.A*C. Admonitio tertl®; x. Ad Dan* Zw., 
ut impios sues adversus Christum et Christiana® fidem trium¬ 
ph® temper©! *11. d Christ ianos, ut tandem evigelent”. in 
this final blast Comenius accused socinianiam of having pre¬ 
vented the victory of evangelical Protestantism in Poland, 
Moreover, he ventured to say that recognition of Socinianiam 
on equal terns with evangelicals would leave but husks of 
Christianity, and would make them all idolaters (1)* 

Another controversy, which however need not be treated 
extensively, concerned just the opposite assertion, namely 
the denial of the true Garpcjeal body of Jesus, or a species 
of Bocetisra. Such a doctrine was taught by a certain 
Felgenhauar, who won for his views a Bohemian physician. Dr. 
Stolz. The latter sent Pelgenhauor 1 s book, " ahrheit und 
weissheit”, as well as some other writings, to Comenius for 
an opinion, Comenius answered that it was partly wise and 
partly otherwise. Yet, after Stolz was driven out from 
Danzig for his ^heterodoxy 1 *, somehow Comenius himself was 
likewise accused of having approved the same opinion. In 

1X1 ‘Be Irenico ~ Ire .;icorum r , 5e Iterato Sociniano Irenico 

iterata ad Christ ianos Admonitio”, and finally "Socinismi 
Speculum” are all bound into one volume, in possession 
of the University of Illinois Library, at Urbsna, Ill. 











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- 91 - 


order to clear himself of this charge, he wrote at the be¬ 
hest of his superiors to Stols an extended exposition of 
the errors of Felgenhauer. (1) 

With these various opinions which were not of the 
"evangelical* type, Gomenius would have nothing to do. Thus 
a man like Zwicker actually held a more tolerant position 
than Gomenius, although, on the other hand* it must be added 
that the latter* s plans were certainly more practical and 
feasible. Yet both rested fundamentally upon the condition 
of acceptance of a common body of doctrine, and differed 
merely in the scope which was to be included in the "Corpus 
Boctrinae”. Theoretically, Gomenius provided for the 
eventual inclusion of all sects of Christendom on the basis 
of an undemoninational. Biblical, religious instruction, 
which was intended to impart to all men the same religious 
views. But it seems quite certain that this 3 Biblical” 
doctrine would have borne in the main a thoroughly "evangel¬ 
ical” character, and would have excluded all such interpreta¬ 
tions as were combated by Gomenius in his above-mentioned 
polemics. But what in detail it would have been, we have 
no means of knowing, for his great pansophic writings were 
lost in the disastrous Lissa fire of 1656, and were never 
reproduced again, 

(1) See the treatise in hvacala: Korrespondence Lorn,, 1902, 
p,17ff; also p.36ff. 










. 



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-92- 


2* COMESIUS* ATTITUDE TOWARD THE "EVANGELICAL" BODIES 
A* ilia program to tne year 1657. 

True to the ironic spirit of the Unity of Brethren, 
Comenius endeavored not only to retain friendly relations 
with the Lutherans and the Calvinists, but strove to bring 
about an organio union between them. This he sought to 
accomplish by conferences between the two bodies and his 
own, at which the fundamentals of doctrine and polity could 
be so adjusted as to make them acceptable to all evangel¬ 
icals. When, however, in the early thirties lie became fired 
with his great panaophic scheme, by which he hoped to bring 
about an approximate uniformity of opinion in scientific 
and cultural matters as well as unity in matters of religion, 
his irenic plan was subsumed under the larger goal. More¬ 
over, since he dreamed of extending his panaophic educational 
method to all peoples, the scope of his Irenic effort ex¬ 
panded to include not only all of Christendom, but, in laet, 
all mankind. A stupendous dream indeed! A consideration of 
the first stage of his Irenic ideals will occupy the period 
ending with the year 1657. 

Comenius very early perceived the disastrous effect of 
the division among Protestants and never ceased to deplore 
the fact and to point out the waste and losses occasioned 
thereby. In one of the earliest and best known of his writings, 
"The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart" (1), 
uhlch was dedicated to Charlea of terotin, after describing 

(1) Veskere Splay, XV, p.246ff. 



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-93- 


la a pithy, graphic way the various leading religions of the 
world, he then examined in a detailed fashion, the Christian 
religion* de described. Its various divisions and wherein they 
differed Iroia eacn other, saying: °Some were to mark them¬ 
selves with water and fire; others were to carry the sign of 
tne cross in t^ieir pockets or hands, always ready for xus; 
Others taught that besides the original picture to which all 
are exhorted to conform(1), they should carry with them as 
many smaller ones as possible(2); others held that it was a 
Pharisaical thing to kneel at prayers; others claimed that 
mu3lc, as a worldly thing, should not be tolerated among them; 
still others held that they were taught by an inner revela¬ 
tion, and had no need of any other teaehlng(3)* 

Then he went on to describe their futile efforts to 
unite: a<r here I saw how two or three of these chapels, which 
stood nearest one mother, were attempting to join themselves 
into one* But they could find no means of accomplishing this 
object* Sach one held obstinately to its own opinion, and 
tried to force the oilier to conform to it* Some of the more 
simple held to siiatever came along; others, more clever, 
upheld or abandoned positions according to the advantage 
they could derive for themselves from such a course. This 
miserable confusion and mutation of these dear Christians 
filled me with a great indignation." (4) 

(1) Christ 

(2) The saints. 

(3) The Labyrinth of the World, p.254. 

(4) The Labyrinth of the - orld, p.255. 



. 
















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-94- 


In his "Haggaeus Redivivus* Gomeniua again stressed the 
evil effects of disunion of Protestantism* He recalled with 
shane the former ti es when even Jews and Furies were ridicul¬ 
ing the disputes among the Protestants, while the n band of 
Antichrist”, the Jesuits, hailed the disputes with the highest 
satisfaction, saying that "evangelicos furiosorura hominura in¬ 
star in sua ipsorlum viscera saevire eaque dilanisre." More¬ 
over, following Augustine, the Jesuits argued that the 
evangelicals could have no faith, no Church, and no salvation, 
because they had no love. 

Enumerating further the evil consequences of this sense¬ 
less and self-destructive policy of the Protestants, Gomenius 
pointed out that the jews and the Mohammedans and *other 
peoples deceived by the Antichrist” were confirmed in their 
obstinate refusal of Christianity* For this Protestants 
should be held responsible, for by their quarrels they rendered 
Christianity an object of ridicule. Moreover, if it had not 
been for the wars which Protestants waged with each other, 
there were good reasons to believe that the H errors of Anti¬ 
christ” would have contined to give way bef >re the truth of 
the Gospel. "But this our mutual conflict brought a respite 
to the Antichrist, so that he could again collect and 
strengthen himself} thus, on the one hand, we helped to 
build the Babylon, and on the other, to destroy ourselves. 

For the saying of our Saviour is forever valid, that every 
kingdom divided against Itself perishes, and house falls 
upon house. Likewise the warning of the Apostle: But if ye 







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- 95 - 


bite and devour one another, take heed that ye be not con¬ 
sumed one of another. Many pious men feared such an end, 
but others refused to consider it, till we came to the fall 
and destruction* Thus it happens when evil is not opposed 
in time, it is then too late to say it” (1)* 

Similar complaints and portrayal of the evil of dis¬ 
union are scattered throughout the works of Comenius; but 
this will suffice to present the matter* 

Realizing as clearly as he did the evils of Protestant 
mutual hostility, both to themselves and to Christendom and 
the world at large, Comenlus sought to remedy the situation 
by his irenic efforts. This became one of the chief object¬ 
ives of his long life, and he cherished his plans throughout 
the vicissitudes of his long life. He was often compelled 
to engage in work only indirectly connected with this en¬ 
deavor, but then he felt himself forced to submit to a 
course which was not of his own choosing. In his last 
treatise, entitled 'hJnura itecessariura” written when he was 
77 years old, he confessed that the irenic study was bis 
life-long occupation and burden, and that he had ”a desire 
to put forth all manner of effort in order to pacify the 
various hurtful and even ruinous contentions regarding the 
faith” <2). 

Thus he grasped every opportunity to stress the 
points of essential agreement in doctrine among the evangel- 
icals. and to minimize or entirely obliterate all points of 

(1) liaggaeus Redivivus, ch. CVTI, p.208. 

(2) Unum Heceasarium, ch.X, part 4. 



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- 36 - 


difforence. "Haggaeua Redivivus" was written with the pur¬ 
pose of affording a tentative basis of union among the 
Protestants of Bohemia* it was written early in the year of 
1632, when the emigrants were again in hopes of returning to 
their homes, basing their expectations upon a chance of 
victory of tlie invading Saxon assies. The treatise was 
written by Comeni^us as an official expression of the 
policies which the "Unites Praorum' ? intended to pursue upon 
return to Bohemia* There is an official approbation of it 
in the records of the S nod held on October 6, 1632, at 
Lissa, which reads as follows: "In regard to the publication 
of ilaggaeus Redivivus: because of the request of the priest¬ 
ly brethren, and since there is hope that the publication 
might not be without good results, it wa3 agreed to publish 
it when opportunity offers* In the meantime, let the treatise 
be carefully revised, so that nothing but what would serve 
edification might find place therein". (1) Thus the situa¬ 
tion described in the book had reference mainly to the 
Bohemian Protestants, as is clear from chapter XIX, where 
Camenius recommended giving up of all party names as Husite, 
Lutheran, or Calvinist. But there is nothing to prevent 
the argument from being applied to the general European 
situation* 

The author, in the first place, laid emphasis upon 
the essential unity of the existing evangelical Protestantism, 
non-recognition of which had caused the many conflicts among 

(1) Gindely: . ekrety Jednoty Bratrske, p.274. 












. 



































































- 97 - 


the parties. By the term "evangelical 51 he meant, as he had 
explained elsewhere(-), all those Protestant bodies which 
accepted th® article of salvation of man by faith alone—the 
doctrine of sole fide isra. Specifically, he included in this 
definition, besides his own church, the Lutherans and the 
Calvinists. These were one in their common origin, for they 
had all separated from "the popedota as from a spiritual Sodom 
and Gomorrah". Besides, they were one in doctrine in all 
the essential articles, the differences among them in this 
respect being of no such nature as would imperil the bases 
of salvation, "mere misunderstandings", as Gomenius called 
them. (2) 

In another of his works, "The '^ay of Peace", Gomenius 
went into greater details in this matter. To him the 
differences in doctrine among the evangelicals did not ex¬ 
ceed several permissible interpretations of the truth, and 
in polity did not break the uni ty of the Church. (3). Then 

(1) Ohl^seni, in veskore Spisy, XVII, p.318. 

(2) Haggaeua, chp. XVII, p.209. 

(3) See "Cesta Pokoje", in Veskere Spisy, vol.XVII, p.472: 

"For although when they (-representatives of the various 
evangelical bodies) enter into a controversy(especially 
when some hot-headed individual lays hold of his pen), 
they bring out against each other horrible charges* yet, 
when one looks into the matter dispassionately, studying 
how one or the other side explains its terras and meaning, 
no more can be found (as the Lord liveth !) but that either 
the meaning of both is identical, or that in some few 
articles there is a negligible difference; but not in the 
fundamentals, only in the matter of expressing them. And 
since God did not reveal to us in His v/ord the manner of 
the thing, neither bade us to delve into it, it would be 
best to keep silent about it. Or, if it were seen fit to 
enter into such investigation, the results should be kept 
among the learned, instead of troubling the Church of 

god therewith." This latter suggestion recalls the posi¬ 
tion of Clement of Alexandria, who likewise proposed to 
keep the highest aspects of the Christian "philosophy" 
for the "Christian Gnostic". 












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- 98 - 


eomenius cited some definite examples of this essential unity 
among the Protestants, First, he recalled the harburg 
Colloquy (1529) between Luther and Zwingli, where these re¬ 
formers found themselves in agreement on fourteen points out 
of fifteen, disagreeing only in regard to the Lord’s Supper. 
Furthermore he mentioned the Colloquy of Leipzig of 1631, be¬ 
tween the Saxon Lutheran and Brandsnburg-Hesse Reformed 
theologians. They found differences of opinion only in some 
points relative to three articles; concerning the person 
of Christ (the Lutheran doctrine of ubiquity), regarding the 
Lord’s Supper, and the doctrine of predestination, (1) From 
this it is apparent—the author concluded—that the evangel¬ 
icals do not differ in the fundamentals of faith, but only 
in some explanations of a few doctrines* ”Tbns because where 
there is a difference among them it is but small, they can 
live in mutual forbearance, and in fact are duty-bound to do 
so, by reason of the obligation of brotherly love, and on 
account of possessing so much in common of the light of the 
Gospel.” (2) 

As for the means of accomplishing this union, Gomenius 
at tills stage of his career was in essential agreement with 
John Dury and George calixtus. He advocated, in general, a 
return to the Bible as the source and norm of all doctrine 
and polity, leaving out all subtle and divisive disputation, 

(1) Gests poltoje, p.472-475. 

(2) Ibid., p.475. 




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- 99 - 


as dealing with assets of doctrines not authorised by the 
Scriptures* in regard to the interpretation of doctrine, 
he proposed to follow the Scriptures themselves, the early 
church, and the early councils, so that everything might 
be collected and followed ? ’ex scripture, scriptis patrum et 
oonciliorum decretis* * (1) This he based on the notion that 
the early church and the early councils were in full conform¬ 
ity with the Scriptures, for otherwise he would he would have 
been inconsistent in saying: **As for ourselves, let us 
learn not to dogmatise beyond what is written, but to stand 
in the holy coimaandraent given us. Let the Holy Bible alone, 

I say, be our canon, our faith, our standard, our rule; let 
it be a candlestick to our feet, the light of our paths, or 
rather the sun of our clouds, the counsellor in our doubts, 
the judge and discemer of sense and meaning, the pure milk 
which nourishes the children of hod, tne cistern of the 
living waters! (2) Thus to him the only safe and satisfac¬ 
tory course to be pursued in theological and doctrinal 
interpretation of the Christian religion was to believe simply 
what the Scriptures teach, even, though some things should re¬ 
main obscure or altogether unexplained. The way of peace was 
a joyful acceptance of the ^Theology of Christ and his 
apostles**. (3) 

As regards the rites, usages, and ceremonials of the 

(1) Haggaeus Redivivus, ehp. X. 

(2) Haggaeus, clip. XIV. 

(3) Cesta pokoje, p.479 


"n" 














. >T ' 






• • 


































-100 


Church, Comenius considered these as indifferent—"adlaphora" . 
By ceremonials he understood church ornaments, priestly vest¬ 
ments, order of the liturgical service, as well as observance 
of fasts and holidays* in general, he taught that Christians 
were free to use any rite or ceremony they chose, provided 
they wore not "idolatrous or superstitious", and that they 
were conducted in a decent and orderly manner* Ho one need 
condemn another for differences of rites, "for neither 
circumcision nor uncireunicision avails anything, but observ¬ 
ance of God’s couBnandments"* (1) 

These, then, were the fundamentals of every time 
Christian church. But they comprised merely the general 
principles, and did not quite solve the particular questions 
which were under discussion* nevertheless, these particular 
problems were just the items upon which the evangelical 
churohes had separated, and upon which hitherto no compromise 
was possible* To these points, then, Comenius addressed 
himself in an endeavor to transcend the differences and to 
point out the way of union. It must be borne in mind that 
to him these differences were merely verbal and did not con¬ 
cern the vital essence of the questions. Thus he may have 
underestimated tneir importance to the disputants* 

In the first place, he undertook to clear away the 
various "misunderstandings" in regard to the Lord’s Supper* 

He affirmed that the bread and wine in the sacraments were 
the body and blood of Jesus Christ, and were necessary to 

(1) haggaeus, chp.XXI. 






















































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- 101 - 

spiritual life* But he refused to pronounce any judgment 
upon the controverted point as to whether the mysterious 
change occurred only in response to faith and in a spiritual 
fashion* or whether it occured in every instance and by 
way of consubatantiatIon. Vhether this sacrament is received 
by the mouth or by faith alone* why do ye contend about it? 

®hy do yet wish to pronounce upon matters about which the 
Scriptures are silent?*’ ihen follow words of wise counsel 
and of a truly liberal spirit of tolerance and brotherly love; 
’'if one in the simplicity of his heart believes more in 
this matter, and another in the sa;no sinplicity believes less, 
turn ye this to the good of each other, and bear with one 
another, remembering that we all knew only in part. And 
especially let us remember that this mystery was ordained 
not that the hearts of believers may be town asunder thereby, 
but rather be bound into one,” (1) 

The second point in dispute was that of the doctrine 
of predestination, and the precise controversy centered about 
the point as to whether predestination proceeded from the 
mere pleasure of God, or from the foreseen merits of the 
p re 3 es tinnted; moreover, it was also disputed whether or not 
the predestinated to eternal life could ever fall away from 
grace. The answer of Comenius to this most difficult prob¬ 
lem seems unusually lame, and yet he remained true to his 
guiding principle: namely, adherence to the teaching of the 
Scriptures. He poimTed out that the Scriptures furnish 


(1) Haggaeus, chp. XX. 





























i .v- x *■' i. A/ 10 W» 4 XX*, V • ttfe" «. -t- *•» 


■ 

- 















































-102- 


grcjfimd for both sides of the controverted question, and 
thus In 3<*ne unexplained manner, both sides were ri$it in 
their proper place and times. (1) 

Finally* in case some other question should come ut> 
for discussion, and no unanimity in regard to it could be 
readied, Comenius exhorted men to remember that God permits 
various interpretations of the Scriptures so lorn- as they 
do not subvert the foundation, which is Christ* 

Another specific measure which Comenius suggested for 
bringing about union of the Protestants was that of 
obliterstUtng all party names, and thereby removing the out¬ 
ward sign of disunion. He pointed out that men were follow¬ 
ers of those whose name they bear; and that this following 
of a human leader was one of the main reasons for separate 
establishments. If rmn were followers of Christ only, they 
would be united by the spirit of their common las ter. Then 
they would truly bear the common name of Christians. 
Designating themselves by the name of a Hus, or a huther, 
or a Calvin, they were perpetuating their sectarian differ¬ 
ences; by dropping these appelationa, they would show even 
outwardly that they belonged to one aheepfold and one 
Shepherd. (2) 

Furthennore, Comenius stressed a life of inner piety 
as more important and more truly Christian than that of a 

(1) Ibid., chp.XX. 

(2) Haggaeus, chp. XIX. 












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- 103 - 


mere conformity to the confessional symbols. Here in pass¬ 
ing it is well to observe the strongly Pietistic emphasis of 
oomenius. This is another feature so often overlooked, 
that Gomenius was one of the most prominent and influential 
of the forerunners of the Pietistic movement. He repeatedly 
exhorted men to a life in accordance with the gospel, for 
!T what avails it to dispute about the gospel and live contrary 
to it? With one hand one builds, and with the other destroys. w 

Moreover, he strongly opposed any heated theological 
discussion or use of approbrlous names in the spirit of sec¬ 
tarian hatred, exhorting men to mutual forbearance, it is 
better to pray for those whom we consider to be In the wrong 
than to condemn them harshly* It were better to pray that 
God might open their eyes to the truth rather than force 
them to conformity. Thus Christianity should find its seat 
in the heart end not merely in the intellectOne certainly 

i 

is most forcibly reminded of the program of Pietism as formu¬ 
lated by hpener, which stresses just the elements mentioned 

above* 

From the foregoing study it is evident that Comenius 
sincerely longed for* an organic union among the evangelical 
bodies, and that he regarded the various differences in 
doctrine and polity as non-essential. Yet in spite of that 
he was keenly sensitive to the rights of all parties in- 
volved, and Instated that these rlgita shouldfe* scrupulously 


(1) cesta Pokoje, p.479 

(2) cesta pokoje, p*480/ 














' 

. 










-104- 


re spec ted. He knew that all irenic movements involve the 
peculiar danger of unfair treatment of the smaller parties. 
This feature, so common to union efforts of all times, 
generally constitutes the most potent reason for the failure 
of such movements. Coraeniftus knew very well that an irenic 
leader must be constantly on guard against such enrouchraents, 
and his vigorous action in a similar circumstance affords 
abundant material for the study of this feature of his 
program. 

The occasion referred to is a controversy which broke 
out between the pastor of the Bohemian exile congregation at 
Pirn in Saxony, M. Samuel Martinius of Drazov, and the 
leaders of the Bohemian branch of the Unity at Lisss. The 
Pirn congregation was a very large one, reaching in January, 
1628, the total of 2125 persons. (1) hen in 1631 the Saxon 
armies under von ~rnim (/*ruheim) invaded Bohemia, many of 
the Pirn exiles returned in the wake of these armies, and 
settled again in their old homesteads. Martinius, who was 
among the returned, became pastor of the principal Prague 
church (Tyn), and also one of the administrators of the 
Protestant Consistory. But after Waldstein*s rehabilitation 
in the supreme command of the Imperial armies, and his ex¬ 
pulsion of the Saxons from Bohemia, the exiles were again 
forced to leave the country. Martinius found his way back 
to Pirn, where he was appointed by the Saxon consistory to 


(1) See the Introduction of Dr. Jos. Muller, p.VIIII, to his 
edition of the "Tricet pet Duvoduv”, Prague, 1898. 



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- 105 - 


superintend all Bohemian exiles In Saxony. The elector or 
Saxony and his Consistory, in permitting the exiles to settle 
in the land, carefully specified that this privilege was 
granted only to good Lutherans, for Calvinism was given no 
quarter in Saxony. To prove that they were entitled to this 
privilege, the exiles were under the necessity of professing 
themselves fully in agreement with the "Augustana", which, 
on the basis of the "Confessio Bohemica” of 1575 they could 
conscientiously do, especially those who belonged to the neo- 
Utraquist wing of the Bohemian Protestant Church. Ith the 
adherents of the “Uriitas Fratrum 1 *, however, the case was 
somewhat different. They had accepted the "confesslo Bohemica" 
as their own, in order to become partakers of the privileges 
granted by the "ha jc3tatbrief* of 1609, hut they preserved 
their own organization, customs, and disciplined), and 
their seniors were given place on the Union consistory along 
with the Heo-Utraquista♦ Thus those among the -axon exiles 
who were adherents of the Unity, began to hold separate 
services and to celebrate communion according to the rite of 
their own church. Under these circumstances, uartinius felt 
that he must act, and he easily secured expulsion of those 
undesirable exiles. 

As a result of these occurences Martinius also under¬ 
took a controversy with the “Unity** by publishing, in June 
1635, his "Thirty-Five easons...why all evangelical 

(1) See Ratio Disciplinae Ordinisque, in Vefikere Splay, 

CVII. 



■in vi.t.V, v. . . . ... - . - e 

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or * as** ■ fit rf«#J 

■■i) 







-106- 


Bohemians should be united." (1) The answer of the seniors 
at Lissa was entrusted to Comenius, for such tasks belonged 
to his office. His book was published under the title 
'Response'’ (2). This <?as not left without an answer by 
Martlnius, sfiio replied in his "Defense" (1636), which 
called out on the part of Lissa seniors a detailed considera¬ 
tion of all I iart Indus’ objections, in a book written by a 
young priest of the Unity, John Fellnus. It bore the titles 
"Analysis of the Defense of Samuel Martlnius", and was pub¬ 
lished in 1637* (3) Moreover, Comenius was bidden to write 
the final word on the subject in his "Way of peace", (4) 
wherein the irenlc principles of the Unity were clearly and 
explicitely stated. To these works Martlnius replied in 
his "Indueiae Hartinianae " 9 which, however, remained unanswer¬ 
ed, because death removed the doughty Martlnius from the 
scene of the conflict* 

It will be profitable to look closely into the reasons 
which actuated Coaeniua in his opposition to Martlnius; for 
they will reveal not only the author’s own view of the 
matter, but the official attitude of the "unitas Fratrura" as 
well* 

In the first place, coraenius defined the status of his 
Church as not a sect, but a constituent part of the one 
universal (—Catholic) church. The reason for separation 

(1) See the edition of Er*Jos. Th. Muller, in Spisy J.A. 
Komenskeho, cls.3, hrahs, 1898. 

(2) In the same edition as the preceding; also in Ve&cere 

Spisy, XVII. „ . _ 

(3) In Spisy J.A.Komenskeho, els.6. Edited by Dr.Jos. Th. 
? :uller, Praha, 1902. 

(4) Ibid., p.l85ff. 





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♦SOW . a* .n. cii. 




- 107 - 


Vrora t'm Homan Ohuroh, as well as from the Utraquist body, 
was the deter dilation of the seceding party to renew the 
original purity of tho teaching and life of the Church. The 
Brethren recognized the "Confessio Bohemica" of 1575 as their 
own, and united with the Meo—Utraquists in a common Consis¬ 
tory, and to these acts they continued to profess their adher¬ 
ence; that, however, did not deprive them of their own 
organization and discipline, as Martinius would have it. 

"Thus, in short, we confederated, priest Hartinius, but did 
not amalgamate*.(1) As for the "Confessio Bohemica", that 
was not to be confused with the "Augustana" as if the two 
were identical, even though they were, as a matter of fact, 
in essential agreement with each other. Furthermore, the 
author defended the validity of the ordination of the priest 
hood of his Church. Their definition of the Lord’s Supper 
was not received from Luther# nor from Calvin, as they were 
accused of having done, but was derived from Hus. One of 
the chief reasons why the "Unites Fratrum" did not think of 
amalgamating with the Lutherans was the lack of discipline 
within that body, while the Brethren considered their Order 
and Discipline their chief boast and "jewel". Finally, after 
appealing to the members of the "Unity" for continued 
fidelity, and assuring the TTeo-Utraquists that the * u nity" 
will continue its adherence to the corrmon confession of 
faith, the author concluded as follows: 

n q hoge that you plainly see our innocence in this 


(1) Ohlaseni, part XIX. 



i '?dafe I 


- 108 - 


threefold accusation, namely, that we commit schism, leave 
the teachings of the Gospel and the Bohemian Confession and 
act falsely under caisson name. Moreover, we can say with a 
pure conscience before God and His Church that in regard to 
the first item, if any one grieves sincerely over the 
divisions among the evangelical churches, we truly do* We 
also sincerely desire the elimination of differences (which 
cause those misunderstandings); may God grant opportunity, 
rae*n, and means, that it may be accomplished safely, piously, 
and peacefully, to the glory of our Loved Saviour (who 
prayed fervently; Father, may they be one as even we are 
one). And may this work then be established permanently. 

May the goal of the common united body be that which the 
spirit of Christ ordained that "we may walk worthily, as be¬ 
hooves our calling, with all lowliness, meekness, with 
long-suffering, forbearing one another in love, giving 
diligence to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of 
peace, so that we may all be one body, one spirit, havong 
one Lord, one faith and one baptism, and one God and Father 
of all who is over all, through all, and in all.” 

It is evident that Comenius, on the basis of these 
irenic efforts, is entitled to share with such men as George 
Calixtus, John Entry, John Valentine Andreao, and others, 
the distinction of having been a co-laborer with them in 
the noble irenic dream which they strove to realise. But 
this refers only to the earlier part of his activity. 

Dxiring the latter part, Comenius became an independent 




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■ 



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. 


- 109 - 


originator of an Irenic plan which is by no moans an unim¬ 
portant contribution to the programs or reconciliation work¬ 
ed out from that day to our own. As such, he takes his 
place as fully equal with the greatest of the irenic 
loaders. 

B. Com nius* program for world unity. From 1637 to 
his death. 

The plan of Comenlus for securing world unity in cul¬ 
ture as well as in matters of faith, the so-called "Pansophy", 
occupied his life from the early thirties to his end. This 
pansophic program is unique in its application, even though, 
as we have seen in an earlier study, he derived some elements 
of his scheme from Baconian and Andre a non sources. The first 
impulse, however, came to him not as a conscious effort to 
carry out the ideas of Bacon or Andreae, but as a result of 
his own pedagogic literary labors. The idea of his Pansophy 
grew out of the fact of the favorable reception of his 
"Janua linguarum', and his consequent determination to con¬ 
tinue this work in an expanded and enlarged scope. 

The "Janua linguarura" was received with such signal 
favor and soon gained such an enormous popularity that its 
author was led to consider seriously a similar work which 
would in a way be a continuation of it. He was keenly alive 
to the fault—in his estimation the gravest fault of the 
contemporary educational system—that pupils were taught mere 
words, without gaining a thorough understand of the things 
for which the words stood. Thus he was slowly maturing a 
plan of writing a book in which the pupils would be given 


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- 110 - 


an elemental knowledge of all necessary things, arranged 
In proper order from the simplest to the most Involved* 
ith this end in view comenius began the composition of 
his ’’Janus rerun*" or "verieris aapientiae Fortum’’. He con¬ 
fided his plans to some friends of his, and in a previous 
study it has been shown how the rumors of it reached Samuel 
11 art lib in London, who immediately interested himself and 
his friends in the project* Thus it came to pass that the 
sketch of his plans which Comenius sent to ’-artlib upon 
the letter’s request aaa finally published by Eartllb, with¬ 
out the knowledge of its author* 

In this treatise, which received the name "Pansophiae 
prodromus", Comenius began by recounting the various grave 
faults of the dialectic training with which education of his 
times abounded* What was chiefly needed for a solid educa¬ 
tion, he claimed, was a thorough knowledge of things—we 
would say scientific training—instead of acquiring merely a 
skill in eloquent speech-making and a good literary style* 
Yet for a thorough, even though elementary, scientific 
study, text-books were needed, and these must all be written 
from one single point of view, and based upon uniform 
principles throughout. He complained that the books written 
in various departments of knowledge lacked harmony, because 
they were written by '’specialists” i*e*, men who knew 
nothing outside of their own departments. Thus the books 
were based on principles mutually contradictory. "Meta¬ 
physicians sing to themselves only, natural philosophers 
chant their own praises, astronomer engage in their dances 


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the; selves, ethical thinkers make laws for themselves, 
politicians lay their own foundations, mathematicians re¬ 
joice over their own triumphs, and theologians reign for 
their own benefit. Yea, men introduce even into the same 
department and sciences different principles whereby they 
build and shelter what pleases and suits them, without 
troubling theraselves much about what another might derive 
from their premises*. (1) There was no binding principle, 
nor, in fact understanding or appreciation of another 
man’s department of knowledge, and the result was a lack 
of coherence among the various sciences and disciplines. 

In order to remove this confusion, and to present the 
sciences as an organised and organic whole, Comenius pro¬ 
posed to work out a complete encyclopaedia system of all 
human knowledge, based throughout on the self-sane 
principles, and thus possessing inner symetry and harmony. 
This was to be Christian pansophy,. built upon these three 
principles? 

1. The inductive method of Bacon. "Therefore it will 
be necessary that all things be taught and learned not from 
external witness and tradition, but from the things them¬ 
selves. Then can authorities aid tne knowledge derived from 
things by lending them a certain lustre, by illuminating 
what the things teach. But even then 8uch deductive teach- 

(iy Prom the ~’erman translation TjFTrodromus , made by J. 
Leutbecher, in Ausgew&hlte Schriften, Leipzig, 1874, p. 
85-86. The Latin reprint of Prodramus is found in 
Veskere Spisy, vol.I. 



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-112- 


ing is likely to distract the student, to say the least, and 
to draw him from things themselves to the person: while 
witnout it tu-Lugs woula impress tnea*clve« upon ti* senses 
just as they were”* (1) 

2* The use of* reason* Where senses are inadequate, or 
fail, there reason, with its norms, must come to the rescue* 

3, The final criterion was the divine revelation* 
here even reason is inadequate, there the divine revelation, 
the Bible, must be resorted to as the ultimate source of 
knowledge and the highest criterion of all science* These 
three principles form the foundation of the proposed Christian 
Fansojiiy. 

These principles recur throughout the works of 
comenius* In a treatise ’’Pansophiae Diluoidatio" (2) written 
in defense of his project because of adverse criticism ad¬ 
vanced chiefly by a Spoiltleal” official of the Unity, who 
feared ihiat the proposed panaophy would confound taings 
divine with tilings mundane, Comenius again stated: w Ky pur¬ 
pose is to make a brief outline of the books of Cod: the 
nature, the Holy Writ, and the human consciousness. I wish 
to describe in an orderly and coherent fashion all things 
that exist; to use what divine revelation is known toward 
clarifying things; and to make use of all concepts of the 
human spirit.” (3) The ultimate goal of the pansophy was the 
knowledge of cod. The author likened it to the ladder which 


( 1 ) 

( 2 ) 

(3) 


prodroraus, L eutbccher * s translation, p.88* 
In Yeskere Spisy, l,p.389ff. 

Pansophiae Dilucidation, par.6. 





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-113- 


Jacob saw at Lus, reacning from visible to invisible things, 
leading from earth to God, (1) 

On tiie basis of this exalted program, Comenius pointed 
out in general terms his new irenic plan, founding it upon 
the basic conviction that all men were capable for education, 
e.g., of being led into the truth. Since all truth is one, 
Comenius argued that his pansophy would unite them both in 
their view of the world as well as in their religious concep¬ 
tions. "Philosophy must not be cultivated apart from 
theology, nor theology apart from philosophy, but both to¬ 
gether; they must become Pansophy.* (2) Thus harmony would 
result, where formerly there was dissonance. If it were a 
matter of common occurence that philosphers engaged in 
controversy with theologians. It was because both based their 
partial truths upon their respective partial sources of 
truth. That condition of affair would disappear "as soon as 
the Light of the general Harmony should appear". For truth 
is one In all departments of knowledge. 

Hot only all strife between science and theology would 
be avoided by this plan of applying the same principles of 
research and interpretation to both of them, but the 
various confessional interpretations of Christianity would 
likewise be swept away* That, in fact, was the author’s 
object. He wished to work out, on the basis of the above- 
mentioned three principles, a general system of Biblical 

(!) Prodroiaus, p.90 

(2) pansophiae Diluoidatio, par. 14. 




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-114- 


Cfaristisnlty, from which all merely sectarian features would 
be excluded. “Thereby we would not present this or that sec¬ 
tarian dogmatic teaching, but the general truth. That which 
in sectarian teaching runs into a dangerous double path (quae 
periculoaum bivium habent) or has no exit into the open, 
would be excluded. It is better not to know a thing at all 
than to have false notions about it. 9 (l) 

Moreover, as far as the attainment of union of Christen¬ 
dom by these means was concerned, Comeniue not only considered 
it possible, but suggested even a further goalj namely, con¬ 
version of t e whole non-Christian world. One would be 
tempted to consider this feature of his plan as mere rhetoric, 
were it not to appear persistently in many others of his later 
writings in connection with the pansophlc plan* Thus he 
says: 9 Then will nations come running to the Li<£it radiating 
from ion, and walk in the illumination thereof* and all the 
ends of the earth will turn to Jehovah, the multitude of 
nations coning like a dark cloud, or like doves flying to 
their dove-cotes, nations will bring their sons upon their 
arms, and their daughters upon their shoulders, and the re¬ 
maining enemies of Jerusalem will come to prostrate them¬ 
selves before the King, the Lord of Hosts.” (2) 

Lemuel Hart lib was not only instrumental in making the 
European world acquainted with the plans of Comenius, but 
spared no effort to carry the plans out into concrete re¬ 
forms. It was as a result of his untiring labors that 

(1) '^rodrorrus, par.103-, page 114* 

(2) Cesta Svetla, XXI, par.3. 











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Goraeniu* was cal led to England by the Invitation of the Long 
Far Haircut* Ho arrived there on the 9 th of September, 1641* 
C0iaeriiu3* activity in London will be treated in a more 
detailed fashion later. Suffice it to say here, that while 
waiting for the necessary legislation which would put him in 
possession of the means whereby he could carry out his 
project, oomenius busied himself with elaborating his pro¬ 
gram, and with writing a more dotailcd exposition of it. This 
work bears the name "via Lucis n . (1) In this treatise 
COsoenius discussed the need of light upon the manifold prob¬ 
lems of the day. Hi© solution he suggested consisted of four 
items: common text-books, cotton schools, a common research 
college of learned mean, and a eomon language. The common 
text-books would comprise a brief, clear outline of all that 
XHOn need to know in order to live intelligently. He 
suggested that tnis great undertaking is divided Into three 
distinct classes of writing** I. Pansophia, which was to 
present the fundamental unifying principle of all things. 
“This book will be nothing else than a properly arranged 
transcript of tne books of Hod: of nature, of the Holy 
Scriptures, and of the ideas innate to man, ao that whoever 
reads and comprehends it, may also road and comprehend hira- 
aelf, the nature of things, and Hod. It will, therefore, be 

(1) “Via Lucis £ * was not published till in 1668, but was 
known in manuscript transcripts. On “pril 18,1642 
Ooraenius sent “capitum serlem* of the work to Hotton, 
and in 1643 the whole manuscript to Chancellor Oxen- 
stiern of Sweden. A copy of “Via Lucis", Amsterdam, 
1668, is in possession of the U livers ity of Illinois, 
Urbans, Ill. of. the Bohemian translation of Josef 
Smaha: Lesta Sv&tla, Praha. 1920. 






-116- 


Q very general book which will place before ono*s eyea all 
things which are necessary for a man to know, to believe, to 
do, and to expect, both for this life sod the life to come." 

(1) 2* Panhistoria, which was not merely a book of general 
history of the world, but has a careful study of nil things 
pertaining to the past and present causes operating in the 
world of men as well as of nature, and producing the results 
as they were at the time. 3. Pandogmatia, which was a 
systematic survey and arrangement of the opinions of author¬ 
ities concerning the things with which panhistoria dealt. 

In order to ensure that men be trained in the common 
subject-matter contained in these universal text-books, it 
was necessary that public schools be opened everywhere. 

Cooenius suggested that even the poor and the orphans should 
be given the opportunities of education, and that the richer 
citizens Should take it upon themselves to support as many 
Indigent boys and girls in school as their means permitted. 
Then he expressed an earnest hope that those who should still 
remain uncared for, be provided with the necessary means 
from public treasuries, either ecclesiastical or civil. (2) 

Thfo third great requirement which Comenius made was 
that of an international college of learned men, who would 
be continually engaged in research work for t e purpose of 
gathering the best material for the universal books; and 
furthermore, in testing and improving both the subject matter 
as well os the method of these text-books. These men. 

Cl) costs i-Vetla, p.u3. 

(2) Ibid.,p.90. 




. 

: . - S 

*• ' ’ 








-117- 


selected from all nations, would give themselves entirely to 
this task of disseminating the knowledge gained by research, 
and would likewise keep in touch with learned men among all 
nations, and bind them all together by coi-mon laws and regu¬ 
lations, Thus any new discovery would be immediately herald¬ 
ed to this central body, and be made U3e of for the benefit 
of all mankind* The country most suitable for the location 
of this institute would be England. The reason for this 
choice was that it would commemorate two great ^nglislimen: 
Drake, ’’who having circumnavigated the whole glove five times, 
began this common, sacred intercourse of nations," and of 
Francis iacon who, as will be remembered, suggested a similar 
college of learned men, * Solomon’s House", in his "New 
Atlantis"* (1) 

Finally, Goraeiiiua made a curious suggestion of invent¬ 
ing a new language, which would become the means of common 
intercourse among all men. He did not regard Latin as quite 
suitable for this purpose, because this language was not 
perfectly regular. The universal language which Coraenius de¬ 
sired nrost be entirely regular in its grammatical forms* 
every word denoting but one definite object and having but 
one definite meaning? moreover, every word must be descriptive 
and suggestive of the object for which it stodd and must 
characterise it and harmonise with it* 

►mat results, then, in the opinion of the author, may 

(1) For one of the many editions of the book see Harvard 
classics, vol. 3, p*170. 






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be expected from these reforms? In the first place, true 
knowledge would be in possession of all men, and this know¬ 
ledge would continue to Increase* oreover, the whole 
world would be open to intecORFannication, for "if they all 
understand one another, they will all be as one nation, one 
people, or® house, and one school of God.* (1) Then would 
all men "come to Zion* and become unified in the worship of 
the or® God of Israel* One does not wcarder that Gomenlus 
wa3 of the opinion tJwt when these events take place "the 
millenium Is corae". Then Christ will rule without rivals, 
os He ruled hitherto along with his enemies" (2). "And 
then the world will enjoy general peace, when all hatred and 
causes of hatred—the mutual contentions—will be removed 
everywhere. For there will be nothing to contend about* 
since all would clearly see the self-sane truths* Neither 
will they be embarrassed with differences of opinion when 
all are taught not of men who differ in their opinions, but 
of God who is Truth"* "Then will Christ’s promise of one 
sheepfold and of one shepherd be fulfilled". (3)* 

Exhorting then all to strive for the attainment of 
this glorious goal, caroenlua continued: "First of all, 
correct yourself in accordance with the light of wisdoms 
then your own people, as nearest to yourself; then lot all 
invite those who are near about, (for instance, the adher- 

(1) Via lucis, ehp. XX, par*7* 

(2) Ibid., XX, II* 

(3) Via Lucis, chap. XX, 13,14. 





, 

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af<o si rjf-fffl'XXXfci 






-119- 


ants of the sane religious body) then of other confessions 
(as Simon and Andrew invited their companions who were on 
the nearest boat to participate in the successful dr aught of 
fish); thus finally all Christians will be brought into con¬ 
cord and unity, and then they might begin to dispel the deep 
darkness outside the Church, Then they might spread th® 
light of God before the eyes of Mohammedans, as nearer to us 
than the Jews and the heathen nations, because they recognize 
an'1 honor Christ as a prophet* Afterwards, they might go to 
heathen nations, which do not know Christ, and therefore are 
aa far from hating him as from loving Him. The last will be 
the open enemies of Christ, the Jews, of whom the Scriptures 
foretell that they will be converted because of jealousy over 
the conversion of all other nations, so that the circle of 
God's mercy will stop with those with whom it began. H (1) 

This early foreign missionary program closed with an 
lmpassionate prayer: *0 Father who art in heaven, hallowed 
by Thy name in all the world l Thy kingdom come to all the 
world • They will be done as in heaven so in all the world J 
Over all Europe, 0 Lord, ovor all Asia, all Africa, and over 
all America l Over all the country of Magellan, over all 
the isle b of the sea, hallowed by Thy name. Thy kingdom come. 
Thy will be done I * ** Awaken man who would write Thy will 

into books, which Thou thyself wouldst write into the hearts 
of men. ^ause the schools to be opened among all nations for 
the training of Thy sons! And Thyself build a school in 


(1) Via Lucie, chap. XXi, 23 




' 









i'll GhSJ "to SI J . 



- 120 - 


tho hearts of men. Awaken the spirit of wise men the world 
over* so that they may aspire after thy glory, but Thyself 
preside over the college of Thy chosen ones!" (1) 

At Elbing, where Comenius was engaged mainly in working 
out his improved text-books for the Swedish schools, he 
incidentally developed his irenic program so that it reached 
its highest theoretical formulation. This was done in two 
treatises, the first one of which "De Dissidentlum in rebus 
Fidei Chr 1stianorum Reconciliations Hyporanemata quaedam amici 
ad amicua" (2), was possibly suggested to him by the local 
Reformed minister, Bartholomew Hi grin, to whoa it was probably 
addressed"amici ad amicum"). In this treatise Comenius 
worked out a program for a general ecumenical Council to be 
called for the purpose of agreeing upon the conditions of 
union and peace among all sects of Christendom (amnes in 
uni versus, qnotquot Dnr 1st ianum praefuerunt nomen" )• These 
sects were partly enumerated for the sake of emphasis, and 
included the Creek Church, as well as the Roman Catholics 
Armenians, Copts, Waidenses and Uusltes, Lutherans and Cal¬ 
vinists, Anabaptists and Socinians, and every other sect 
bearing the Christian name, (3) The author advocated that 

(1) Ibid. , chap.XXII• 

(2) A copy of this rare treatise, together with other two 
treatises, is found in the Library of the University of 
Gottingen. I have secured a transcript of this work 
through the kindness of Rev. A. Hellmann, pastor-emeritus 
of the Reformed Church of Gottingen. 

(3) De Dissidentlum, p.9. 



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- 121 - 


the delegates should not be many, and should comprise every¬ 
body Included in the plan of reconciliation* The work of 
the General Council would consist of three phases: Investiga¬ 
tion of all abuses to be frankly conceded by all parties con¬ 
cerned; removal of these abuses; and prevention of their 
repetition or return of heresies and schisms* The whole 
treatise was informal in its general character, and one is 
not surprised to find Comenius suggesting that the thought 
presented therein needed to be elaborated into a larger work 
under the title: "D© tollendis Christianorura in rebus Fidei 
dissidiis Deliberatio Catholics. w But he furnished the main 
points which were to be elaborated in the projected work, 
which in general comprised four items: 

1* First of all, there should be a graphic description 
of the Church of Christ of the Hew Testament, as it was fore¬ 
seen by the prophets and Instituted by Christ himself. This 
was described everywhere in Scriptures as one Kingdom of God, 
full of peace, wherein faints reigned under the prince of 
peace, Christ. This kingdom was destined to include the 
whole earth. (1) This picture of the Hew Testament Church v/as 
to serve as a model for the renewed Church* 

2* All Christians everywhere should be exhorted and 
convinced by weighty reasons, of which there was abundance, 
to desire unity of the Church as it had existed formerly in 
the times of the apostles. The author mentioned twelve 
reasons, in which he enumerated the various failings and 


(1) Ibid., p.20-29 



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• 122 - 


weaknesses of the contemporary Catholic as well as Protestant 
churches. The Homan Catholic Church he criticised for its 
"ferocity" (saevitia) toward other churches* for its claim of 
supreme authority over all others* and its need of a thorough 
reformation* (1) As for the Protestant churches, he pointed 
out to them the "foulness of schism", the danger which 
threato ed them if they persevered in their separation* and 
the imperfect character of the reformation which had been 
carried out by them. (2) 

3. In the third place, Comenius discussed the possible 
method or way of procedure in the matter of union. 

4. Finally* an appeal* to be made to all who in any 
vmy could help in healing the divisions of Christendom* and 
in furthering the work of peace* was recommended. Such* 
among others, were kings, rulers, magistrates, and church 
officials. These men of influence could do much in leading 
the movement to a successful consummation. 

Iligrin very soon afterwards went over to the Roman 
Catholic Church, and that caused Comenius 1 2 treatise to be 
regarded with suspicion and disfavor. And yet* its author 
never gave up the idea of a general Council for the settle¬ 
ment of terms of union, but extended it to include in t o 
scope of its commission not only the problem of the Church* 
but of the school and state as well. In other words* he 
incorporated this idea into his paiujophle scheme, as comes 

(1) Do Dissidentiura, p.43-47. 

(2) Ibid., p.48-54. 





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- 123 - 


out clearly In his Panegersia*. 

It was during this Flblng period that he projected his 
entire pansophie program under the title *pe rerum humanorum 
oraandatione consul tat io Catholica ad genus huraanum, ante 
alioa ad erudito3, religlosos et potentes Suropae." This 
wnole scheme was divided Into seven parts, of which only the 
first two were worked out. The first of these, ”Paneger 3 ia w 
Cl) was begun in 1644, although it was not published till 
1666. It was a stirring appeal addressed to scholars, re¬ 
ligious leaders, and statesmen, admonishing them to combine 
their strength for the purpose of bringing about a general 
improvement of conditions in schools, churches, states, 
and of human life as a whole. The tone of the book is 
summed up in this sentence, which served likewise as the 
motto of the present study, being expressive of the whole 
irenic endeavor of Comenius: "Poreat partial it as in omnibus 
ubique, ut redeat universalitas (verus catholici 3 mus) in 
omnibus denique*. (2) The author clearly recognized that it 
was not possible to improve one department, such as church, 
without improving schools and government also. Thus his work 
aimed at unified effort for an all-round improvement. It is 
not, however, possible to review the whole project in detail, 
hence only such passages as bear directly upon the subject 
in hand shall be considered. 

In the first place, Comenius bewailed the fierce 

(1) Panegersia, translated by Leutbecher, is found in Comenius: 

Ausgewahlte Sc iriften, part VI, Leipzig, 1874. 

(2) panegersia, chap. IX, 23. 



£ *** 


- 124 - 

strife and contentions among humankind in matters or religion. 
Jot only are there different religious systems, as the 
Jewish* or hohamraedan, or Christian, hut each of these is 
subdivided into "innumerable" sects. This is true especially 
of the one which enjoys the greatest degree of light, the 
Cnristian religion, and this disunion results in the {gravest 
injury to it • (1) if all men sought but the honor of God, 
this sad contention about religion would soon disappear. But 
each party tenaciously holds to its own party-interpreta¬ 
tions because of the inherited prejudice against all else. 

Such a great disunion in school, state and te mple is shame¬ 
ful. Religion, which should make me a like unto God in 
gentleness and love, becomes a pretext for hate, persecution 
and cruelty. This is especially true among the Christians, 
who all have the common divine revelation as the basis of 
their respective theological systems. How far have they 
strayed from the eternal harmony I (2) 

A hope for betterment of this situation was found in 
the consideration that the world is one, that the human 
nature is same everywhere, and the divine endowment is 
essentially the same in all men. Since that is true, Comenius 
shared with Socrates the conviction that all that was 
necessary wa3 to show humankind what its hipest good is, 
and it would gladly follow after it. 

K If men were shown 

what their complete and real good is, they would be drawn to 


(1) Ibid., p.o09. 

(2) Ibid., p.311. 



*#•-. . - 1 I 

. .. - 

. ■ '>• ■ : ) 



- 125 - 


•* 01%G they, moreover, shown tho true means Tor its 
attainment,..•♦.so would the true, pure, and good, o.g., all- 
inclusive and all-satisfying philosophy, religion and state¬ 
craft be finally attained.” ( 1 ) Since the creator and ruler 
of the world is one, and is from day to day making his world 
totq accessible and interrelated by bonds of commerce and 
industry, why might not the ho e be justified that finally the 
world will be morally on© as well? why could not men form 
one all-inclusive world-society by reason of co ;oa knowledge, 
common law, and common religion? This indeed was possible, 
the author asserted, for false religions would disappear as 
soon as men were properly acquainted with tho true 5 and 
tyranny and c a.puls ion would be repudiated, when men would 
get a taste of the true freedom. ( 2 ) 

To seek a way whereby humankind my attain to this goal 
was not only permissible, but men wore duty-bound to strive 
for it. Gomenius sharply criticised the suggestion that man 
was to care merely for himself and his own comfort, but to 
improve the world vas not his to aspire after. He proceeded 
to prove that it was both possible, as well as proper, to 
put forth all effort to accomplish this object. 

Coraenius held that there were three fundamentals upon 
*hioh unity of mankind rested: natural unity of our common 
humanity; individuality of each person; and finally, free 
will. That among men a common unity of humanity existed was 


(1) Panegersia p.S12. 

(2) Ibid., p.513. 









. * ^ 





- 126 - 


evident from the fact that God created all men from the same 
substance. ! oreover, they were all created in His image. He 
prepared the same world for tneir abode, arid spread the same 
floor for their feet, the earth, and raised over them a common 
roof, the sky. This all testified openly that it was His will 
that all fcuaaaaity be one in the bonds of one great family.fl) 
As for individuality, man was a copy of God’s simple 
individuality, e.g., "man has been so created that ho is 
dependent upon outside sources as little as possible, but 
that next to God he may be sufficient to himself." Therefore, 
God furnished him with three tools: reason, will, and 
capacity. Reason possesses common concepts, will possesses 
cot: anon motives, and the hand is capable of common skill* 

"These three si pie things are sufficient for all the labors 
of mankind; and were we true to them, we would be living to¬ 
gether harmoniously in peace and concord." (2) 

Finally, In regard to free will, toraenius pointed out 
that "God himself is free and in his dealings with men con¬ 
strains no one by force. He indeed admonishes and exhorts 
uenX to do good and to flee evil, but He neither oompels 
them to do the former, nor pulls them away from the latter. 

So as :e himself does no violence to human nature, so does 

(1) Ibid., p.319. 

(2) Pane^orsia, p.321 





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- 127 - 


He wish his creatures to abstain from all compulsion. 41 (1) 
There are indeed strange words for a seventeenth century 
thinker, for in that century tolerance in religious matters 
was not a virtue but a vice, as denoting religious in¬ 
difference. *hen one remembers that this is the age of 
Acta of bniforiiiity n , then the motto of Comenius ” Omnia 
sponte fluant, absit violentia rebus” becomes 3tartingly 
significant. 

At present, the author continued, humanity had departed 
from these three fundamentals, and therefore the sorry 
plight in schools, state, and religion. A return ”ad 
unlonem, ad simplicitateu, ad spentaneItatera” was necessary, 
and this return would work no ham to these institutions as 
they should have been according to their original inten¬ 
tion, but would correct and fulfill the true mission of 
each. "VYhen we build all that is worthy of knowing, of 
observing, and of practicing, on the basis of universal 
ideas, motives, and capacity, what is there for philosophy, 
state, and religion to fear? For on this road that which 
is good* or true, or aafe, can come to no harm”. (2) 

, '- 4 , 

A colossal undertaking of auch magnitude required 
cooperation of all who could offer anything toward its solu¬ 
tion and accomplishment. Therefore, Comenius issued a call 
for a general Conference or Council, at which all nations 
and all religious bodies would be represented. All those 


(1) Ibid., p.321. 

(2) Ibid., p.323. 






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- 128 - 


to whom "the weal of huma Grind is dear", of every nation, 
every tongue, and every sect, were invited to participate, 
"Let us in gentleness search out whether we may not learn 
some thing certain in regard to those things which hitherto 
kept us separated: whether there be one God: where He is; 
how He must be worshipped in truth? And then let us all 
serve Him with out united powers, and let no one turn away 
from doing the will of God l Let us find out if some 
exercise supremacy over others, and what kind it be, so that 
we no longer oppress and crush one another. And since we 
all have the self-same senses, understanding, hands, and 
capacities, let us search out whether it be not possible that 
we see, hear, perceive, understand, and behave in the same 
way, and that we do what there is to be done and what is ex¬ 
pected of us, cornel Let us find out if there be truth 
without error, piety without superstition, order without 
confusion. Aikl if these are to be found anywhere, let them 
then be shown to all, and let us make thera the common 
possession of all. What better could we do in this life 
than strive to find truth, peace, and life? 1 * (1) 

fbe conditions of this universal Council were simple, 
and yet most difficult. All who wished to participate in 
this undertaking were required to have but one goal before 
their eyes: namely, the welfare of mankind. They must 
make it their earnest concern to discover how the world may 
be freed frees the party-spirit, from compulsion and violent 

(1) Panegersia, p.525. 







. 










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. 

. 








































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- 129 - 


means, and how all could be brou^it back to seek truth and 
peace In all things, (1) Moreover, every participant in 
the project must be upright, honest, helpful, and ironic, 
so that instead of seeking strife he may be willing to sub¬ 
mit to truth. 

A noble dream indeed I A call to settle all disputes not 
by appeal to arms, but by arbitration, by conference. And 
yet, one listens to this call with a sense of keen realization 
how prematurely the call was iiade. Ho wonder that the result 
„as disappoointing, and men heeded not this trumpet-blast. 

Such was, in brief, the theoretical program of Comenius 
for the accomplishment of his irenic goal. If his pansophlc 
works had not been lost in the great Lissa fire, they might 
possibly have furnished a completely and clearly articulated 
Irenic plan, for the preserved writings contain only 
suggestions of that plan. Yet, in their general outline, 
these various proposals are sufficiently comprehensive and 
consistent to afford a fairly clear idea of com callus' intended 
finished product• 


(1) Ibid., p.327 





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- 130 - 


3* THE PRACTICAL ENDEAVORS OP COMENIUS TO REALISE KIS 
IRENIC PROGRAM. 

After considering wliat the theoretical plans of Comenius 
for the union of Christendom were, there remain his practical 
endeavors for the realisation of his ideals to be presented. 
The distinction between the two is sufficiently clear to 
justify a separate treatment, and yet it can be done only at 
the cost of some slight repetition. In such a case, however, 
it will be a more detailed exposition of items which were 
previously stated only in general terras. 

Comenius was primarily a man of great ideas and noble 
aspirations. That, however, does not mean that be was 
impractical, or that he did not know how to apply his ideas 
to practical demands of life. His groat practical educational 
reforms, which entitle him to the honorable name of "the father 
of the modern educational system", dispel any such idea 
immediately* Yet, considering the actual, concrete examples 
of his irenic efforts in the way of practical application of 
his method* and theoretical plans, he is found at a disad¬ 
vantage. But in spite of that, when one considers the nature 
of his undertaking which demanded co-operation of the 
various communions of Christians, and good-will and hearty 
support of religious leaders; when one takes into account 
the temper of the times, which was in the main hostile to 
any such effort; and considers the circumstances under which 
he labored, one may not be willing to judge comenius so 
adversely. Other great irenic leaders of the time had no 




. 

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X .lO BhCiMBLL m q ( 





- 131 - 


greater success, John Dury devoted his whole life to the 
great Ideal of uniting Protestantisn, and at one tine was 
supported in his undertaking by no less a person than the 
head of the English government, the Lord Projector, and yet 
the results of his labors were largely disappointing. The 
best known of the irenic leaders of the seventeenth century, 
George Calixtus of Ilelmstedt, accomplished but little in the 
way of church union, if we demand concrete results of his 
labors as our test of success. But in spite of this, it 
would be entirely wrong to consider these labors in vain, for 
the fruits nay be ripening at this very time In the wide¬ 
spread unionistic movements of to-day. 

"Pansophiae Prodroimis", published at Oxford and London 
by Samuel Hartlib, stirred many in England to exhort 
Comenius to work out the plan suggested therein. Hartlib 
wrote to Comenius that many of his friends were ready to 
meet him for a conference in some larger continental city, 
as Amsterdam, Hamburg, Stettin, or Danzig. Moreover, that 
co-laborers for the pansophlc task were already found (in 
men like Hubner. Pell, Haak, Harrison, etc.), and that 
nothing but division of labor was then necessary. But 
Coraenius, who had become in the meantime rector of the 
Lissa *gymnasium’*, could not spare time for these meetings. 

Then the situation in England changed completely. The 
kin#, who had lost the "First Bishops 1 was compelled 

to call tbs "Short parliament", and then in November 1640 
the "Long Parliament". Hartlib and his friends belonged to 



































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- 132 - 


the parliamentary party, and whan the Parliament gained power, 
they were able to procure the call of Comenius to England. 

oomenius arrived in England on September 22, 1641, and it 
was till then that he was acquainted with the reasons of his 
call, and the authority which called him* His first reaction 
was that of surprise bordering upon dismay, in fact he thought 
of returning immediately, but his friends dissuaded him from 
drawing back. The negotiations with the Parliament had to be 
suspended for a time, for that body was not in session during 
the king’s absence in Scotland (Sept. 9 to Oct.20), but after 
they were resumed, a centnission was appointed "for hearing us 
(—Comenius) and considering the ground of our design”. He 
was offered the college of Chelsea, near London, among others, 
for the establishment of a pansophic college, where a body of 
scholars collected from various nations could devote them¬ 
selves permanently to research work and to general furthering 
of tne pansophic project, comenius, upon whom cares of his 
church were resting heavily, did not see his way clear to 
acceptance of the parliamentary offer; nevertheless, if a 
way could bo found whereby he could free himself from his 
other obligations, lie was disposed to accept the offer. But 
the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion, during which, according 
to comenius 1 report (valuable only to indicate the wild 
exaggeration which gained currency), more than two hundred 
thousand Englishmen were massacred in one night, the 
Parliament was fully occupied with affairs of state, and 
the negotiations with Comenius were brushed aside. But be- 








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- 135 - 


fore dropping the matter, the parliament aoc'ored oousanlus 1 2 3 4 
promise to return and conclude the negotiations as soon aa 
the country should become quiet again* (1) boon after came 
the definite break with wharlesi, and the outbreak of the 
Givil ars, which interfered effectually with any resumption 
of the pansophic project. (2) 

luring his London stay Cosncnius was busy studying the 
English situation and planning the details of his project 
with his friends. He left us a description of his stay in 
a letter sent to his friends at home. (3) He mentioned 
among other things that one of his friends, "the most 
learned Harisson", had already made, in preparation of the 
pansophic text-books, a catalogue of some 60,000 authors, 
wiiose opinions were to be collected into one volume as an 
integral part of the pansophic scheme. (4) It will also 
be renumbered that it was during this tin® that Comenius 
wrote his "Via Lucis“. 

Thus the outbreak of the Jnglish Civil T ars was 
directly responsible for the shattering of the plans of 
Camenius and his friends, which the parliament was ready to 
support. It is a pity that tbs project which was in such 

(1) See the preface to Via Luc is, Amsterdam, 1667. 

(2) wf. Opera': idactica Omnia, II. (De ovis..Occasionibus, 

P-1*) 

(3) See Patera: Horrespondenee can., p.58 ff. "Ad anicos 
Lessnae in Polonia agentes". 

(4) :,oubek-liovak: ivot J. A. Kossanakaha, p.128, erroneous¬ 

ly speaks of 10,000 volumes; but the letter says: 

Audio ipsum autorum oviscerandorum catalogs jam habere, 
quorum nuraerus ad sexa inta raillia (audita nunc refero, 
nondun ccsuperta) ascendit. 
























. 








•• 
















a fair way of successful accomplishment finally fell short 
of realization* For the plans of comening could not be 
carried out merely by private effort, but demanded subsidiz¬ 
ing by some state, without which old all efforts of Comenius 
or his friends would not be sufficient. 

And yet his London visit was not entirely devoid of 
practical and valuable results. If the inference of some 
writers on the subject be eorreet* Press 1645 there had been 
held, soraetimes in dresham College, mootings of a few 
”worthy persons inquisitive into Natural Philosophy", out of 
which in time grew the Royal Society of London, chartered 
by Charles II* this scientific club was originated by 
Theodore Haak, a naturalized estphalian, who was to have 
been one of the co-laborers in Comenius* pansophic program, 
and was a friend of Hartlib. The club which lie founded took 
the name of "Invisible College", and counted among its early 
members Dr* John Wallis, the clerk of the estminster 
Assembly, Dr* Jonathan Goddard, and the afterwards famous 
John Alikins, who became the first secretary of the Royal 
Society* *r. Held, In his uhristianopolis, (1) considers 
the "invisible college" and the subsequent Royal Society an 
outgrowth of the Comenlen pansophic College proposal, al¬ 
though he traced the original suggestion of it ultimately 
to Andreae* s wo have already shown the idea that 

Comenius derived the concept of his Pansophic college from 


(1) Held: Christianopolis. Hew York, 1916 



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- 135 - 


Andreae is not born© out by Caraenius* own statement in regard 
to it# Yet it is possible that there was some connection be¬ 
tween Haak* s "Invisible College” and the Pansophic College 
of Comenius. Hsak was an intimate friend of hartlib, and was 
in the party which greeted comenlus upon his arrival at 
London# (1) Thus he must have belonged to that inner circle 
which worked out the details of the pansophic plan, as we 
find them in the "Via L U cia n . The most important of these 
additions was the project of the College , with which thus 
Haak became fully far iliar# ore over, it was Haak who ac¬ 

quainted the drench ! inorite scientist, Tlersenne, with 
Comenlus* "irodrormis” , and thus gained ! arsenne*s warm 
approval and offers of co-operation with -amenian schemes. 

It is apparent, therefore, that he wus active in furthering 
Comenian ideals# He was, moreover, often mentioned in 
;ubner , 8 correspondence with Gomeuius in various helpful 


roles. Unfortunately, we have no direct proof that Haak's 
club was a substitute for or a direct result of the suggestions 
of Comenlus. Yet, it is significant that* the treatise which 
most fully expressed the program of Comenius as formulated by 
him when he was in closest touch with the Hartiib group, 
namely, the "Via Lucia”, was on its publication in 1668 


dedicated to the Royal Society of London. (2) 

(1) vlee ' l i la l et ter d anl o'd a " Te sYn ae” in Patera, Korrespon- 

dence I'osnu (1892), p*38# _ r 

(2) It «M MimoeXadgad by secretary vlctoriburg on June 5, 
1668, See vacala, Korrespondence .am#,.i.I, (18dS), p.ool. 









-136- 


Before this, we find another effort road© by the inde¬ 
fatigable Hartlib to realise a part of the ideal suggested 
in the ’’Via Luc is”* Prom 16S2 onward he advocated a plan 
whereby Chelsea college was to be made a center of inter¬ 
course between the various Protestant churches of the world. 
This he proposed in a treatise entitled "The Reformed 
Spiritual luabandman, with an humble r ernorandum respecting 
Chelsea Jollege, and a correspondence with Foreign Protest¬ 
ants." Therein he suggested that "the Foundation of 
Chelsea College be confirmed, raised, and enlarged for the 
desigh of a public centre of good intelligence and corres¬ 
pondence with Foreign Protestant Churches in the cause of 
religion and learning." The Fellows of this College were to 
be ch ose n both from among the English sc olars as well as 
from such foreign scholars as were recommended by their 
Chur cine s. The information which this body would accumulate 
would ibe free to all learned men of the English Churches and 
the Universities. (1) Nothing came of this proposition, and 
yet It indicates that the ideals of comenlua were alive, 
and furnished inspiration for attempts of such character. 

it Klbing, where Comenlua settled during the period of 
the S w #dish service (1642-1648), he was likewise active In 
furthering his ironic project. On the occasion of the 
suggested '’Colloquy" between the Polish religious parties, 

u) See the footnote of James .roasley, in The iary of Dr. 
;fohn orthlngton, vol. I, p.74 ff; also Althaus, 

Samuel I art lib, p.246. 



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- 137 - 


whereby king Wladislaw 17 hoped to consolidate them into a 
single national church, Camenius was persuaded to become a 
delegate to the various meetings previous to the Colloquy, 
as well as to the Colloquy proper, which was held at Thom 
in 1645* The first of these preliminary meetings was 
called by the evangelical Synods to Orla, in Lithuania (Aug. 
24/14, 1644), and Camenius participated in it as one of the 
delegates. (1) There the main subjeot of discussion was what 
attitude should the Protestants take toward the second royal 
invitation to the "Colloquium Charitativura". It is not 
clear what specific part Camenius played in this conference, 
but the result of it was that the delegates voted an extended 
address to the king, and a short dispatch to the Polish 
archbishop. In the consaunication to the king they accepted 
the royal invitation, but asked that both parties be 
somraoned by the king, who was also to preside over the Collo¬ 
quy. Moreover, they expressed their hope that the proposed 
conference would really be a conference, and not a scheme 


(1) Cf. comeniuB* letter to Hotton in Kvacala, Korrespondence 
Korn. ,1, (1897) p.!19$ also Patera: Korrespondence Kan., 
(1892) p.83. But cf. with these the note taken from 
Lange’s K«cossus causarum publicarum, consisting of 
excerpts from the Gibing Ratsprotokelle: "Anno 1644 den 
12. August oomoenius (so) von der Stadt nach Litthauen 
-ssandt werden sollen, so abcr nicht gesohehen. (J. 

Lange, Dd.2.) Ks fanden Samals in Litthauen die Verhand- 
lu’-en betreffeud das Eeligionsgesprach zu Veroohnung der 
Konfessionen statt, welches Konig iladislaw auf den 28. 

Au ust 1645 ansetse." See Top pen: Zur Lebens -eschichte 
des Comenius, in'hC.G., I, p.68. oreover, oubek-llovak: 

ivot J.A. Komenskeho, p.160, makes the mistake of stating 
that this meeting was between Protestants and Catholics. 











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- 138 - 


whereby the Protestants would be robbed of their liberty of 
conscience, and forced into the Catholic Church. (1) 

Comenius had a foreboding of t ie ill success with which 
the great Thorn Colloquy was to be attended, in a letter to 
Lbygneus of Goray, an eminent leader of the Polish Reformed 
party, he expressed his fears, especially when he learned 
that two fanatical Lutheran zealots, Calov and Botsak, 

"uterque filiu3 Boanerges, qui aeque Pontificiis ut Cal- 
vinianis nihil nise ignem de coelo impreeari sciuat", would 
attend the Conference, if the spirit of those two men 
should pervade the meeting, then any thoughts of success would 
be out of question. Then he gave vent to his despair over 
this factional sectarianism, crying out: "Pereant sectae, 
pereant sectarum fundatores et promotoresj Christo me 
mancipavi, uni soli, quern Pater lucem dedit gentibus, ut 
salus sit Dei usque ad fines terrae, qui sectas nescit, sed 
odit, qui suis pscem et rautuam dllectionem testamento legavit 
et tesseram, qua sui agnosoantur, esse voluit, etc." (2^ 

The following April, a Synod of the"Unitas Frstrum" 
was held at Li3sa, at which an appeal to the Lutherans of 
Great Poland was prepared. Tills appeal was si{?ied, among 
others, but comenius also. Thus comenius was not content 
to rest with mere lamentations, but in company with his 
colleagues sought to obviate the difficulties which stood 

(1) For full text see Hering, Carl ilhelm: Geachichte 
der irchlichen Unionsversuche, II, p.12 ff. 

(2) See the letter of Feb. 24, 1645, to Goray, in patera: 
Korrespondence Kora. ,p. 93 ff. 



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- 139 - 


ln the ray of a successful interconfesslonal conference. 

Thl* appeal opened with a reminder that the concord which 
Christ prayed for, is the first duty of Protestants. The 
opportunity to conaunmate a union, or, at least, to defend 
their faith against a caramon enemy, was present. Both 
parties repudiated the pope, and suffered the same enmity and 
danger from his adherents. In order to gain mutual recogni¬ 
tion and cooperation, the "Anitas Fratrum" was sending them 
(—Lutherans) an exposition of the three articles of faith 
which are in dispute between them: the Lord’s Supper, the 
doctrine of the person of Christ, and the doctrine of pre¬ 
destination. Lutherans may ask Wittenberg faculty for an 
opinion regarding this exposition, for this school always 
thought well of the Church of the Brethren. (1) 

Then the projected "colloquium Chari tat i vum" actually 
met at Thorn on August 28, 1645, it was presided over by the 
Chancellor of Poland, Prince of Tecsyn, who was Wladislaw*s 
plenipotentiary. Bach of the three participating parties, 
Roman Catholics, Reformed (with whom the "Unites Fratrum" 
delegation was counted), and Lutherans were to present their 
articles of faith, and these were then openly dismissed 
wherever difference of opinion demanded it, and finally 
these differences were to be harmonised. The Catholic party 
elected bishop George Tiskiowics of Samogitien to be their 
spokesman, while the Reformed party was headed by : bygneus of 
Goray, and the Lutherans were led by Dr. liulsemarm of itten- 

(1) See Kvacalai Korrespondence Kora., (1902) p.83-87; the 
whole document is reprinted in full. 







































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- ) fm rtt ,i.aUa ?* * 






























-140 


berg- Strife broke out during the very first session over 
the matter of offering the opening prayer; the first prayer 
was offered by a Homan Catholic bishop, and the Lutherans 
insisted that this privilege be passed to each party in turn. 
But the catholics demanded to have this part of the service 
exclusively in their own hands, so that finally the Lutherans 
had the opening prayer separate^ in another room. (1) 

Coraenius, as already stated, was one of the delegation of 
the Unity, in spite of the fact that he well knew he would be 
severely criticised for his absence from 21bing and from the 
work which his patrons demanded from him. He had been very 
harshly reprimanded for hisdssence at the preliminary meeting 
at Qrla, of which he complained bitterly to Hotton: "To re¬ 
sist God and to suppress the prompting of my spirit I can not.” 
”9, that I could accomplish more, or aspire less]” (2) There 
are but meagre accounts of the part he played at 1‘horo for the 
public speaking was done through the elected party leader. 

But it is known that the City Council imposed upon him the 
honorable, even though it was a thankless, task of attempting 
to persuade the leader of the Lutheran Party, Dr. Hulsemann, 
to cooperate with the Reformed during the negotiations with 
the Catholics, so that a lack of cooperation between the 
Protestants might not give an undue advantage to the other 
party. uomeniua visited him twise, and did all in his 
power to accomplish his task successfully; but Kulseraann 

(1) cf. Hering, opus clt., II, p*47 

(2) KvaCala: Korrespondence Kara., I. (1897), p.119. 











, • . 

il a* 0 1C .:i c) 











-141- 

wyuld not listen. He claimed that this was the proper time 
to show forth one*a colors, and that his party would do that 
regardless of the interests of the other Protestant bodies. 

(1) In fact, Hulsemann seems to have been largely responsible, 
among the Protestants, for the failure of the conference. A 
Jesuit described the Lutheran champion in a letter to his 
friends as follows: "R^ilsemanmis, ut oonsiaret ease vare 
Lutheranum, i*e., luto inscitiae haerentem; Reformatos inpedivit, 
Catholicos irritavit, suos intricavit, seipsum confudlt •" (2) 

;;o wonder that Gomenlua failed to win a man of that type for 
a program of concerted action. 

•The negotiations proper were fast coming to a deadlock. 

It soon became apparent that the Catholics would be satisfied 
with nothing less than an unconditional return of the 
"Dissidents" into the bosom of the mother Church. This, of 
course, was a condition absolutely unacceptable to the other 
parties. The situation was growing worse daily. When the 
Reformed party gave their confession the name ” Hah ere Deklara- 
tion der Eatholischen Lehre", the Roman Catholics refused to 
permit this title, saying that theirs is the only Catholic 
Church, •lion all arbitration met with failure after the 
Qoj.ioq'uy was in session for three months, it was finally 
closed on Sovember 21st. But Comenlus had left a long time 

(1) Kvacala: J. A. Kamensky, p.48. 

(2) See letter of peter Figulus to Ludwig de Geer, of Jan. 

5, 1646, in Eva calc: Korrespondence Korn.,(1902}, 

p.9Q±. 




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- 142 - 

before this, on September 18th, having been recalled by a 
stem letter of Do Geer, who threatened to dis iss him from 
his service if coiaenius should persist in neglecting the 
work for which he had been hired, (1) 

Coraonius had foreseen the failure of the conference, 
for nothing could be farther from the conditions of a fair 
arbitration as he advocated in his tt De DissidentIum ,, , than 
the Thorn Colloquy. In spite of this disappointment, he 
persisted in his hopeful expectation that some day such a 
conference would meet with success. 'earing that King 
Kladislaw contemplated calling another meeting to accomplish 
what the Thorn Colloquy failed to do, (2) he composed another 
treatise on the subject of church union, and dedicated it to 
the king. This work was entitled; "Ghrlstianlsmus recon- 
oiliabilis reconciliatore Christo. Hoc est; .uam facile 
Ghristisni, si vere as serlo Christian! esse velint, non 
discordare posslnt, tarn clara est demostratio, ad gloriossimum 
regem 'ladisloum IV." This treatise was never published be¬ 
cause the king did not carry out his intention of calling 
another Council, if, in fact, he really intended to do so. 

It consisted of eight chapters; I. «h»t are the true causes 
of the fierce dissent ions (atrocium dissidiorura) among 
Christians? II* Concerning the abominable baseness and 
perniciouaness of these dissentions. III. Why is reconcilia¬ 
tion of Christians desirable? IV. And If desirable, and 

‘(I ) 1 'por some stringent”crTLlcTsms“of the methods used by the 
Catholic party, see the letter of Prince Radsiwll, in 
Kvacala: nor res pond© nee .om. (1902), p.87 ff. 

(2) This rumor is reported by Peter Figulus to Ludiwig de 
G er, in a letter of Feb. 28, 1646. 



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worthy of seeking, what kind should be desired end sought* 
namely, an entire end camion union, with the uprooting of all 
differences. V. May we hope for its attainment, and on 
what foundation does this hope rest? VI* concernin' the 
necessary mean3 for such a reconciliation. VII. Concer ilng 
the legitimate use of such means, so that the desired success 
must necessarily follow. VIII. Regarding the triumph of 
Christ, the prince of peace, if Christians would sub; it them¬ 
selves to be governed by the laws of peace. (1) 

The only tangible result of Camenius’ activity in 
connection with the Thom Colloquy was not beneficial, as far 
as he himself was concerned. His stand agalns the Lutheran 
Sectarianismi made him suspected in Lutheran lands, and es¬ 
pecially Calov exerted himself to spread calumnies concerning 
him. "Lius, for instance, he maintained that under the guise 
of his pansophlc project Comenius really intended to propa¬ 
gate Calvinism. Ho wonder that even the Swedish Chancellor 
sharply censured Comenius for his participation at the T om 
conference, as well as many of the Swedish clergy accused him 
of Calvinistic propaganda. 

Comenius followed the developments in England with a 
keen and deep Interest. The struggles among Episcopalians, 
Presbyterians, and Independents were a source of sincere 
grief to him. hen the House of Co mons, after the death of 
pyra and nampdon, became so fanatically Presbyterian that a 

(1) Of. zibrt: Sltliografie ceske Historie, vol. V., part 
2, number 18626* 














































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- 144 - 


bill of 1646 stipulated that the Unitarians and free thinking 
heretics could be put to death, while Baptists and other 
sectaries could be imprisoned for life, and no layman was 
permitted to preach or expo und the Scriptures, then these 
“Sectaries’* were in no better circumstances than they have 
been under Laud. Moreover, when tie Presbyterian Mouse of 
commons made caramon cause with the royalists and Scots for 
the purpose of destroying the sects, the Second Civil 'Tar broke 
out (May to August 1648). 

It was ti\is unhappy situation which moved Coroenius to 
write another of his irenic appeals. He expressed his 
opinion in a letter to Hart lib (1) that the use of force 
in matters of conscience was a grave blunder. Although he did 
not agree with the Independents in their dogmatic teachings, 
yet he considered their stand against brutal subjugation in 
religious mat ers praiseworthy. Actuated by tliese motives, 
he wrote a treatise entitled " Independoritia, aetornarum con- 
fusiorun origo, spectcmlni venerabilis nations lie synod! in 
nomine Christ! London! in Anglia congregates subjects anno 
1648. In exemplum auto ; noxao a spretis fratemis conciliis 
fores data." It was wrltte i with the intention of being 
presented to the meeting of the national syndd of 1648, and 
the preface was dated June 30, 1648. fbe object of it was 
to admonish all parties, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, as 
well as the Independents, to moderation a d mutual forbearance 




(1) Pec.27,1748; see Patera: Correspondence licaan. (1892).,p. 122 

























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To the Independent a Conenius conceded the praiseworthy 
defense of themselves against the oppression of the other 
parties, yet he considered the principle for which they 
stood dangerous and pernicious, for he claimed that it would 


logically lead to anarchy. He pointed out the necessary 
interdependence of all things in the natural world, in in¬ 
dustry, political relations, as well as in respect of morality. 
Thus even in matters of ecclesiastical organisation a certain 
a. ou t of oversight, and consequently of submission to this 
oversight on the part of the members of tiiat organization, is 
necessary. For entire independence can not fail but become 
a source of eternal confusion. Therefore he admonished the 
Independents not to throw off all dependence, without which 
”the doors will be open to conflicts without measure and 
end”, (1) as could already be seen from the examples of mani¬ 
fold sects springing up among them. For independence is the 
source of all confusion. 

As for the Presbyterians, Comenius rebukes them for 
abandoning and opposing the episeople system, which he de¬ 
fends upon the Scriptural, as well as historical and logical 
grounds. He also pointed out to them the necessity of a 
general oversight and discipline, which is beat exercised 
when it rests with such as are duly appointed and set aside 
for just such purpose, as is the case with the bishops. (2) 


( 1 ) 

( 2 ) 


v ^ f V 

Translation of J. in eska Skola, 1889, p.253j 

bhap. IV, 5* v i v 

Independeri-tSa Chap. V, in Oeska S>;ola, 1898, p.230 ff. 

















































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Put that did not mean that he was a blind partisan of the 
bishops, even though he recognised their office as of divine 
authority. In fact, speaking to the Episcopalians, he 
intimated that many bishops used their power and position 
merely for the advancement of their own selfish purposes, 
and desired nothing but honor and emoluments; if these were 
taken away, he continued, * immediately would we see the 
episcopal, and even the apostolical, seats vacant.” (1) But 
if the bishops wished to restore the confidence of their 
people in themselves, they would have to modify their high 
pretensions, and deal moderately with their priests and laity. 

Abstractly speaking, Comenius found some good points in 
all three forms of church polity, the monarchical, aristo¬ 
cratic, and democratic, and it would be best, in his 
opinion, to unite these good qualities of each into one 
common form. In fact, the ”Anitas Fratrum* exemplified such 
a union. The same kind of polity as hers could be found in 
the Old Testament, also. Thus, for instance, Aaron was the 
head of the Church, but with him were permanently associated 
seventy elders, while in the most serious cases the whole 
congregation of the Hebrew people was called together to 
decide. But whatever plan or polity should be adopted, let 
all remember that ”Christ is the lover of all, and will not 
on account of one hate another party.” (2) Thus Comenius 
remained true to his central thesis, that church polity is 


U) 

( 2 ) 


Ibid., chap. VI, 6; p*313. 
Ibid., chap. VII, 10; p.360. 



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- 147 - 


a matter of convenience rather than of divine ordinance, and 
that in such matters there should be mutual toleration and 
comity* 

Life of Comenius is full of tragedy and disappointment* 
He knew the bitterness of an exile's lot, the buffeting of 
fortiine, the thwarting of circumstances. It is Indeed, his 
greatest title to ferae that in the midst of the incredibly 
brutal war, while he struggled for a bare existence in a 
foreign land and saw his beloved Church slowly disinto grating, 
he gave himself with ardor and enthusiasm to the great task 
of educating the youth for a better world, and bringing about 
peace and unity in faith in a world of religious discord. In 
these wanderings of an exile, he was cheered and supported 
by an ardent hope of ultimate return to his native land, and 
reestablishment of his Church* hvor since the appearance of 
Gustavus Adolphus in Germany he had centered his hopes upon 
Swedish aid, and this feature was one of the decisive 
otives for his entering the services of Sweden as a reformer 
of *heir school system. As previously mentioned, the work of 
collecting vocabularies and writing grammars and text-books 
was irksome to the spirit that was on fire withthe great 
pansophic project. And yet, he worked patiently and 
laboriously for six years, with the hope that his labors 
nught earn the good will of Sweden in behalf of the suffering 
Bohemian exiles, and when peace should finally be concluded, 
they would not be forgotten. But when the Peace of Vvest- 
phalia was signed (Oct. 24, 1648), and Sweden forgot her 





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- 143 - 


aoleam promise of defem&ing the rights of the Bohemian Protest¬ 
ant exiles, grief of Comenius knew no bounds. This was one of 
the bitterest disappointments of his long* sad life. 

In a letter to chancellor Oxenstiem, written after he had 
learned that his poor nation’s cause was to be abandoned by the 
Swedes, Come nidus poured out to him the anguish of his soul. 
n as formerly my countrymen, suffering for Gospel’s sake, were 
cheered to hear through me and others that Thy highness express¬ 
ed thyself that we shall not be abandoned, so it is sad for us 
now to hear that ye ar abandoning us, indeed that we are already 
abandoned, at the Qsnabruck negotiations. For if we should be 
excluded from peace negotiations, what avails us that we looked 
up to you as to our saviors? 'Goat avails us that ye are 
victorious by the help of our tears, when ye, having it in 
your power to give liberty to those of us who were rescued, 
are again delivering us into the hands of our persecutors? 
liat avail the solemn treaties made with your ancestors and 
sealed with the sacred blood of martyrs, that we ore encouraged 
by you, when ye do not trouble yourselves whether our kingdom 
returns to the confession of the Gospel? Ye, to whom God 
granted ability to care for it, are (as the world sees and 
is astonished) that magnet of wondrous strength which does 
not attract but destroys (non attrahens, sed atterens) all 

i ron ,....In the name of many I write this, and touched 

by their sighs I prostrate myself at thy feet, and through 
thee at the feet of the most serene Queen* and the whole 
august Council of Directors, and beg and implore thee for the 



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- 149 - 


wounds of Jesus Christ that ye do not abandon us, who are 
afflicted for Christ’s sake. Look upon our nation, which 
araon the nations of Europe was the first to be ehosen by 
Christ, having been delivered from the darkness of Antichristf 
which, before other nations were enlightened, alone bore the 

fierceness of Antichrist’s anger for a whole century’.*.. 

. ear us poor ones, that the merciful God may hear you also." 

( 1 ) 

besides, e omen ins wrote, in the bitterness of his 
sorrow, to John Matthiee, bishop of Strengnen, also appealing 
to him for help* ne asked pathetically whether the Swedes 
would be willing to abandon so many thousand poor souls, 
contrary to all promises, for a few tons of gold. Of course, 
his cries of anguish were left unheeded. In fact Oxenstiern, 
who learned of this appeal, was very angry to receive this 
rebukej but even ten years later Comenius reiterated the 
charge, saying; "My grief w iieh at that time I wished to ex¬ 
press, was not private (as it is not to this day) but public. 
Hot that I would have been abandoned, or some few of my co¬ 
religionists, but that the whole nation had been abandoned*" 
( 2 ) 

This tremendous shattering of Comenius * faith in Swedish 
aid meant, as he well foresaw, abandonment of all hopes of 
return* liis church as a separate organisation was doomed 
to extinction, and his nation’s fate was sealed. Moreover, 
he was too clear-sifted not to s ee the signs of an approach- 

(1) patera; Korrespondence kora., (1892) p*144-145. 

(2) Ibid., p.155* 

















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- 150 - 


iv*g end; he found it impossible to exorcise full discipline 
over membership so widely scattered, and living in most dis¬ 
tressing circumstances. He recognised that the time had 
come when it would be better to recommend to his flock join¬ 
ing with other churches rather than to continue the hopeless 
struggle for existence, in which, in the end, there was no 
nope of victory. In a treatise of deeply touching beauty 
the bishop speaks words of loving advice to his charge. 

The book, fitly entitled "The Last ill of the dying mother, 
the Unity of Brethren, whereby she divides among her sons 
and heirs her God-given treasures", was written in 1650, 
and is what it purports to be, the testament of the "Anitas 
Pratmsa. n 

After lamenting the sins on account of which the 
present chastening is inflicted upon the Church, the aged 
bishop, speaking with the broad charity toward all Christian 
churches, so characteristic of him, advised his flock as 
follows: 

"And......if you come to be dispersed,..and if 

thus my order, discipline, succession, and all my Church 
ministrations cease, what are you, the remnants of my 
priests and of my people to do? This, my sons, is ray advice: 
if any of you preachers who have no church of your own, are 
left, serve Christ wherever you can, in any Protestant 
church which might desire your services. Only keep in remem¬ 
brance that ye walk in that si plieity in which I bore you and 
brought you up. 'Talk in the straight and middle path, neither 





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flattering one party to the disparagement of another* nor 
allowing yourselves to be used as partisans in factional 
strife among parties. But rather make that your care that 
love and unity and all common good reign in the Church and 
a; long the people entrusted to your care.” "Furthermore, 
when ye join that church in which ye find the truth of the 
Gospel of Christ, pray for her peace and seek her upbuilding 
in good.' 1 What golden words of all-embracing Christian love 
and of wise counsel* 

Then he turned separately to the various Protestant 
Churches (after he had exhorted the Roman Catholic church”to 
repent of her adulteries”), and exhorted them and bequeathed 
to them individually what in his judgment they needed the 
most* This contemporary evaluation of the various Protest¬ 
ant bodies by a broad-minded and ironic critc is in itself 
a most valuable contribution to the history of that age. 
Therefore it shall not be amiss to give it here a more ex¬ 
tended notice. I loreover, what is here said, represents not 
only Coraenius* private opinion, but rather presents a clear 
and sharp statement of the attitude of the whole Unity to 
the other Protestant churches. 

First he addressed the Lutheran Church with the words: 
"Thou hast been my dearest sister whom the Lord had given me 
to my comfort when I was still alone; and I loved thee 
sincerely, although my love to me soon cooled off, because 
of my simplicity". This greeting he then followed with a 
friendly criticism: "thou rteedest more order than thou hast. 







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- 152 - 


a better ordered discipline, and a wore sensible apprehen¬ 
sion of the article of justification without the present 
widespread and flagrant abuse thereof." The mistake that 

the Lutheran Church comitted consisted in hardening the 

£ 

system of Luther into one of absolute dqmas, or, as it were, 
of laws of Modes and Persians. But Luther’s main task was 
to pull down the Babylon, and he had no time to build the 
Lord’s temple in its stead. And then "his helpers who were 
to do the work of building, gave up the work, holding to 
that which he had done as as far as he had done it, and 
made it their pride to live among the ruins." Comenius 
called it nothing else than modified popery. "And what of 
popery others deemed and still consider worthy of destruction, 
ye will not even hear about, so much loss will yet set about 
building a perfect order of the Church, founding it an the 
foundation of unity, and erecting fortifications 01 discip¬ 
line about it, and putting in gates with bars and keys of 
Christ. 3 "3, igy friends! I, standing, in the discipline of 
the mighty God, teach and exhort you that knowledge of 
Christ without following of Christ, a rejoicing in the gos¬ 
pel without the keeping of the law of love on which the 
gospel is founded, is nothing else than an abuse of the gos¬ 
pel and a veritable deception and error." 

In this characterization of the Lutheran Church, the 
Lutheran historian von Oriegem(l) concurs, in general, say- 

(l) Von Crlegern: Comenius als Mheolog, XiOipzig,p.218-221. 








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- 153 - 


lng: n .•***dan hat Comenius durchaus Reeht, wenn er unserer 
Kirche don Vorwurf roacht, sie sicli in Ruinon wohnlick ein- 
gerichtet hat* doviol dio lutherische Kirche nach Luthop 
dafup gewlrckt hat, don von ihra und don andem Vatem hervorge- 
bp&ohten Lehr inhalt zu systemisiren,—eine Arbeit, dopon 
Verdienstliehkeit such einem Comenius nicht vollig sum Bewus- 
st^ein gekommen 1st ,—30 wenig hat sie doch den Trieb enpfunden, 
die L&cke auszufullen, welche die Eeforaiatoren gelassen, namlich: 
di© Kipchenzucht T* 

Then comonius in turn addressed the Calvinistic churches, 
and it is iusnediately perceptible that he was in an essential 
accord with them* He had no specific doctrinal Items or 
matters of polity to criticise, but rebuked them for lack of 
constancy in persevering in their good course* Then he con¬ 
tinued: "I wish thee, therefore, first of all that thou 
mayest hold to piety and to the order pertaining thereto; 
also to discipline, and to a real single-mindedness, so that 
thou mayest not only to appear but really be genuine* Then 
in method, I wish there may be in thee more simplicity and 
less speculation? also a more discreet discussion of God and 
His most profound mysteries than some of thy sons were in the 
wont of indulging. For thereby was caused a sore disruption 
among themselves and thee* For some of them rebelled against 
thee in company with the Anabaptists, Sociniana, rrainians, 
and various other insects which came from thee. Especially 
is this true and evident of thy sons in England, who, after 
the terror of their wars had subsided, are making a sad and 
derogatory spectacle of themselves, and have defamed thy 





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- 154 - 


narae among their fellows by their practice of ever searching 
for novelties and nevor attaining to stable convictions." 

It is a pity that such a broad-minded man of humanity and 
comprehension as Comenius was would apply a word like "insects" 
to the Armlnians and other evangelicals. 

Finally he turned to all Christian Churches together, 

and exhorted them that "they might feel a lively desire for 

unanimity of opinion and for reconciliation among themselves, 

as well as for uni »n in faith and love of the unity of spirit." 

"0, may that spirit which was given me from the very beginning 

by the Father of Spirits be shed upon you all, so that you 

would desire as earnestly as I did the union of all who call 

upon toe name of Christ in truth! And may od give you wisdom 

to find the distinction between things fundamental, instrumental 

and accidental, as He has given me to discern. For then ye 

all would know what tilings are worthy of zeal, or what are the 

more and the less important among them, so that ye would 

avoid all seal that is without knowledge and edification." 

"Furthermore, I wish that ye all who count yourselves members 

of one house of the Church may also form a single House of 

God which would be well ordered and united, and in it one 

single household living under one single law of God, helping 

eac , member in concord and love. For as a body has many 

members, yet each serves others to grow and to increase in 

unity; thus may toe time coos when the Christian Church and 

at the sane time angels might sing: Behold, how good and 

how pleasant is it for brethren to d well together in unity !"(1) 

(1) Xomensky: Xsaft unirajici raatky Jednoty Bratrske. 
prana-Vinohrady, 1894• 














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- 155 - 


The circumstances have already been alluded to under 
Wiilch after a short stay at Lissa, Comenius was prevailed 
upK>a to accept the offer of the Transylvanian Court to reform 
the schools at sAros Patak in Northern Hungry. Arriving 
there in October, 1650, he undertook the remodelling of the 
local Latin school into a pansophic seven-cla 3 s school. This 
period of his life is highly important* as well as Interesting, 
for the student of Comenius* pedagogic labors; for us, who 
have in mind hi3 ironic efforts, this period is noteworthy 
from the point of view that all his entire activity in the 
end centered about carrying out into practical application 
his irenic ideals. 

Comenius cherished the hope that prince Sigiaimind would 
prove himself to be the divinely appointed champion not only 
of the oppressed Protestants, but also of his own peculiar 
schemes of pansophic world-regeneration* This grew into a 
conviction, which he clearly enunciated in a composition, 
prepared and addressed to sigismsund, before the latter’s 
betrothal to Henrietta of the Palatinate, daughter of the 
unlucky * inter King* of Bohemia. (1) In a highly laudatory 
languaage, and a surprisingly bellicose tone, comenius ex¬ 
horted the prince to become another Gideon and smite the 
Kidianites. It is somewhat disconcerting to find this 
apostle of peace to counsel war preparations against the llapa- 

(1) This treatise, "Sorrao secret is Hatimnis ad David era”, 

was found only recently, and is published for the first 
time in Kvafcala: Correspondence Keen.,11 (1902), p.249- 
262. 


















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-156 


burgs and the pope, but this was one of th© consequences 
o£ his conclusion that this the will ox* lod was revealed to 
him through the prophet rabik* But ho did not altogether 
lose sight of hia earlier great plans, although they were 
expressed in a somewhat changed form: he urged the prince 
to work for the establishment of a new organisation, a new 
"collegium Luc is", which, however, would partake somewhat 
of the character of an older fraternity of "seats, heroics”, 
with which it was Identified* "Praesertim si Collegium 
Lucis, sive Sects heroics, fundata fuerit, ut tantura Opus 
non unlus arbitrio agi videtur; sed communi aapientura, in 
salutera Orbis conspiraniium, consilio et auxilio*” (1) Be* 
sides, he did not lose sight of freeing ell Europe from 
the "yoke of the beast”, and of bringing the Turks to the 
light of knowledge as well as the gospel* 

But all these plans were doomed to disappointment* 
sigisraund may have been willing to respond to the appeal of 
vomenius, and to assume the role of another Gustavus 
Adolphus, but he wa3 dissuaded from launching a war against 
Austria. Then came the crowning catastrophe, the premature 
death of the prince, who died on February 4, 1654* This 
was a stunning blow to the expectations of Comenius and his 
friends, and one would expect that it would prove to be 
such to the reliability of rrabik’s prophecies, hit that 
was not the case* Drabik simply transferred the task expect¬ 
ed of dgisjuund to the shoulders of his successor, prince 
(1) Xvacala: Korrespondence Xom., II (1902) p.256. 






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- 157 - 


George II. In fact, Comeniua, In a short treatise dedicated 

to this prince, entitled "Gentis Fblicitas ,, (1), actually 

appealed to him to continue the work of Sigiataund: *Bohold, 

your Israel, your whole nation is in trepidation before the 

urks, is crying before the Jebusites! also the neighboring 

nations, oppressed by the yoke of Antichrist, cry to God for 

a savior. Do you not bear? Do you not believe that these 

sighs and bears are directed to you? 0, that God would open 

your ears and your heart, that you might hearl' f (2) 

But George was not inclined to war, and the court 

was opposed to Drab Ik’s influence over comenius. Drabik’s 

prophecies were solemnly examined at the eourt of the 

princess-dowager, and pronounced spurious. This hurt Comenius 

deeply, moreover, after the death of hlgismnnd, the school 

reforms were given but lukewarm support. Although many of 

tae reforms of Oomenius last with most enthusiastic reception 

and applause, yet no felt that his real mission in Hungary 

was ended. That mission souj^it to accomplish not only the 

establishment of a pansophic school, but also fulfillment of 

rabik’s propneciea. fhis latter feature failed, even thougi 

his school remained among the best Protestant schools in the 

land, he returned to Lissa in July 1655» 

It will be remembered that shortly afterwards the great 

Lissa fire drove him to trie city of his last refuge, 

Amsterdam. His interest in the English Church induced him 

to publish, in 1660, upon the occasion of the return of 

Charles II to his throne, a work designed to aid that Church 

U) —Ibid., p.2b r S-Sbb7 
(2) Ibid., p.284. 













I* V /. >S \t . ■' 













































- 156 - 


In the settlement of her ecclesiastical affairs in a perma¬ 
nent fashion. This was his *De Bono Uni tat is" which in its 
&iglish translation bears the title "An Exhortation of the 
Churches of Bohemia to the church of England” (1). The second 
part of the book which is principally of importance in this 
study, deals with the matter of the form of church government 
which Comenius recommended to the English Church for adop¬ 
tion. This second part contained discussions of these 
propositions: (1) That the whole Christian People unite to¬ 
gether. (2) That they be likewise brought into order. (3) 
mat they be knit together with the bands of discipline. 

(4) And then be filled with the Spirit of life* 

There again Comenius reiterated his ideas regarding the 
organic union of Wiristendosn. "0, you Christian people, 
dispersed throughout Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and the 


(1) The full title runs as follows: "An Exhortation of the 
Churches of Bohemia to the Church of England: Wherein 
is set forth The good of Unity, Order, Discipline and 
Obedience, in churches rightly now, or to be Constituted, 
With a Description premised of the Order and Discipline 
used in the Churhhes of the Brethren of Bohemia. 

ritten in Latin, and Dedicated to his most "Excellent 
Majesty, charls the second, in Holland, at his Returning 
into England; if possible, it may be for an Accommodation 
amongst the Churches of Christ. By J. Amos Co menius, 
the only surviving Bishop of the Remains of those 
Churches. London. Printed for Thomas Parkhurst at the 
Three crowns, etc.1661" Tills translation was made by 
Joshua Tymarchua, as appears from his preface. I was 
fortunate to find a copy of this rare book in the Haw- 
berry Library of Chicago, which seems to be one of the 
only two copies in existence, ^ee the preface of Dr. 

Jos. Th. Muller to the "Ratio Disciplinae" in Veskere 
Spisy, XVII, where on page 11 the author says that a 
copy of the English translation was kept at the University 
of ;dttingen, but is lost now; the only other copy is at 
the British ‘useurn. So the dewberry Library copy was not 
known. 



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-159- 


Islands of the Sea, Into so many Religions, Sects, Opinions, 
and multiplyed different Gere Monies, what else I pray are 
you now become, but as those bones of Israel in I sekiel, 
scattered abroad in the field of the world* 0] that It would 
please God to bring on that day, wherein he will put forth 
his omnipotent power among you; to command that there may be 
a noise and a shaking, that so the bones may draw near one to 
another, and coir© together (V.7; this would be union), every 
one, the one to the other, (even in his order) to the sinews: 
knitting all together, the flesh corning upon the, and the 
skin covering them over (v»8; there would be the bands), and 
then the breath come from the four winds, to inspire all that 
are spiritually dead, that they may live (v.9,10), viz. the 
life of Christ." 

Then he addressed himself to the objection that all 
this was impossible of accomplishment, by citing various 
Scriptual texts in its support, "every man seeks after that 
which he loves, they say. I therefore, because God hath 
enamoured me with the loves 1* Of unity, especially that of 
the Church; 2. of order, especially in the Church; 3. of 
settlement, especially of the Church. 4. life and vigour, 
especially of the Church, can not but be in pursuit of those 
things with all ray desires, and having lost the less, our 
Unity, Order, Bands, Life, I ca.mot but pray for the greater, 
even the Unity, Order, Bands, and Life of the whole people of 
Christendom, in as much as Unity in the Ooiranuiiity is far 
better than community in paucity." 










. 



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- 100 - 


liat usually, it is not possible to determine what effect 
this appeal had upon Charles, or upon the leaders of the 
English C fair eh, or upon the final Restoration settlement of 
the ecclesiastical (Question. But it is safe to say that the 
result qfc that settlement was hardly in harmony with the 
ideas of doraenius. 

Ahpther interesting attempt of doraenius to carry out 
his ironic and missionary ideas into effect was that connect¬ 
ed with the translation of the Scripture into Turkish. Hiis 
was io prepare the Way for further work of evangelisation. 

I A/ 

"Jhe Wdrk of translation was entrusted to a certain Dr. Levin 

//. '■/ 

garner, and was to be published by Laurentius de Geer, but 
i domenius reserved for himself the general direction of the 
' undertaking. Thus, for instance, in his letter to Warner of 
January 4, 1663, (1) he advised him about the mode of transla¬ 
tion, recommending the middle path between a literal and a 
free translation. Later he announced to De ’eer that he had 
received the first sheet of the Turkish translation of the 
Hew Testament, and asked him whether it should be sent to a 
certain Leyden Oriental authority for criticism* (2) !3ut by 
the year 1667 it appears that the work of translation was 
pronounced unsatisfactory by competent critics, and t :e 
matter seems to have been dropped. 

CGmeuius* only direct litef^**? share in this undertaking 

(1) Kvacala:. Korrespondence Kom. (1898) p.276. 

(2) Ibid., p.291 





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- 161 - 


eas limited to th© writings of the preface, which is address¬ 
ed to "the great monarch, by the will of the great Lord of 
heaven and earth, the invincible King of many kingdoms upcaa 
the earth". He addressed the sultan, saying that the God 
who made from one blood all the families of the earth is 
one, and there is no God beside Him. This was the teaching of 
■oses, of Christ and his disciples, and even of hohamaned. 

The Koran is based on the Old and Hew Testaments of the 
Christian Scriptures, and therefore it is only right that 
I'oslems should be acquainted with these sacred writings. It 
is not proper that since Christians and Moslems worship the 
same God, they should live in continual enmity on account of 
differences in wo ran Ip or opinions. All men are creatures 
possessings error. The sultan especially should read the 
Scriptures, for he rules over many Christians.(1) 

The Turkish Bible was never published, and had it been 
published it is more than doubtful whether Sultan Hohanraed 
IV would have been inclined to carry out the aspirations of 
Coroenius. Just the same, the attempt made by this apostle 
of peace and unity serves to show us the earnestness with 
which he gave himself to the ideal. 

Another attempt to realize his plans was made by 
wOmenius on the occasion of peace negotiations carried on 
between the ambassadors of various nations at Breds. The 
peace of reda (July 1667) terminated the Anglo-Duteh war, 
which broke out as a result of the commercial rivalries bo- 

(1) See "Bibliorum Turcicorum Dedicatio” in Patera; 

1 'orrespondence Kom. (1892) p.284 ff. 



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- 162 - 


tween the two nations, as signalized by the renewal of the 
Navigation Act* The peace was concluded in the presence of 
the .nglish, hutch, Danish, and i ;1 rench representatives, and 
their presence at reda gave Uomenlus an opportunity to 
present to thorn and to the world his conception of the 
necessary conditions upon w~ich the only tanc and permanent 
peace could be based; moreover, this peace was not to be 
restricted to the countries represented, but was to embrace 
the world. He expressed his ideas in a treatise entitled 
"Angelus pacis ad legates pads Anglos et Belgas Predam 
missus indeque ad Cannes Christ ianos per Curopam et mox ad 
ornnes populos per orbem totura mittendus, et se sistant, 
belligerare desistant, paclsque principi, Christo, pacem 
gentibus jam locuturo, locum faclant". In this work he re¬ 
peated again his reasons for the necessity of a general 
peace* He also mentioned that he was preparing two other 
irenlc treatises, and that they were almost ready. They 
were to bear the title: " Christ ianisnrus reconciliabilis 
raconcillatore Christo", a id "Se omnlmoda rerum humanorum 
emaxidatione a Christianismus''• Furthermore* he informed his 
readers that these treatises were begun by a divine command, 
and exhorted the legates to distribute all three works 
among the kings and princes, so that they may be seriously 
considered by all nations. 

'mis was the last time that comenius attempted to in¬ 
fluence the course of public affairs by his endeavors for 
the establishment of a permanent and general peace, both 


'-^rscd 

. 

.Acitiivi-a II* f b&rablmxoo 




- 163 - 


in Church and state. But he was now an aged raan, 75 years 
old, and his bodily vigor was waning and his memory was fail¬ 
ing him. In this old age Comenius composed a work which may 
well be considered a review of his life and endeavors. He 
found that human labors are but rolling of the stone of 
Sisyphus and that but one thing ¥/as really necessary for 
human happiness; therefore he called his book “Unuia 
I?ecessariura ,, • (l) ihat one thing necessary was to return to 
Christ. In the light of this conviction he passed in review 
all human activity and exhorted all to seek that one thing. 

He likewise scanned his own activity and passed his judgment 
upon it* It is even pathetic to hear this old man speak of 
his life-labors, as he looked back upon them instead of for¬ 
ward to them. Of his life-long ironic endeavors he said; 

"ihe second long and difficult labyrinth were my irenic 
labors, i.e., my wish to reconcile (if it pleased God) 
Christians, who in various ways, to their own hurt and near 
ruin, carry on controversy concerning faith. I expended 
much labor on this matter. So far almost nothing has been 
accomplished, but perhaps my labors will succeed yet. 
nothing was accomplished because of the stubborn irreconcil¬ 
ability of some men, to whose implacable animosity ray 
friends did not deem it wise to expose myself. But it will 
succeed yet, for in the end it will be found necessary to 
obey God rather than men, and to fear God more than men..... 

(1) "Unum Heoessariura* was recently translated into^ „ 
Bohemian by Dr. Ludvikovsky: "Jednoho jest potrebl, 
Praha, 1920. 




















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- 164 - 


How everyone considers his own Babylon beautiful, and be¬ 
lieves that his is the true Jerusalem which surpasses a 1 
things and everything gives way to It." 

"This obstinacy of Christians on© to another, and the 
hitherto vain efforts of various men to reconcile them, 
caused me to consider and to hope that It would be easier to 
heal the whole than a part* to give the whole body a common 
medicine, than to apply a plaster only to head or foot, or 
side* That is, I began to concentrate ray desire upon an en¬ 
deavor to reconcile the whole human race (which is out of 
harmony with things, with eac^ other, and with Cod) and to 
seek means and ways how to accomplish this project". 'Then 
he mentioned the unfavorable criticisms with which his 
"Prodramus" had been received, and continued: "That caused 
me to hide my thoughts to this day, so that although many 
know that I am engaged upon this work, yet almost no one 
knows whether any tiling has been accomplished or not, and 
scrae do not even inquire after it any more, thinking (as I 
am told) that I myself regard the task hopeless. There are 
but very few who yet hope for results. In vain perhaps? 

God knows I I neither say that there is hope nor that there 
is none, even though the grave is opening before me. For 
we never have strength for any task in ourselves, while 
God’s strength is ever sufficient." (1) 

Such were the various attempts this apostle of unity 

(1) "Unum Necessarium", p.180-182* 





















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- 165 - 


made in an effort to realize his cherished ideal. And yet 
that was not to bo the attainment of the seventeenth century. 
An ideal of such.magnitude can not be realized in one genera¬ 
tion, but requires centuries for maturing. Comenius, in his 
"hnura Necessariura” confessed that the great task of his life 
was not accomplished; but in spite of his disappointment that 
his irenic ideals met with a lack of appreciation in his day, 
he will not have lived and labored in vain, if his contribu¬ 
tion would in any way add a permanent suggestion to the ulti¬ 
mate solution of the problem. 























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- 166 - 


Chapter XV - EVALUATION OP GOMHNIUS* INFLUENCE. 

1- HIS PLACE AND INFLUENCE IN HISTORY. 

Coraenius had gained for himself a coraaanding place in the 
history of education as the real founder of the modern educa¬ 
tional theory and practice. Aa Cubberley says of hira; "What 
etrarch was to the revival of learning, what yeliffe was 
to religious thought, what Copernicus was to modem science, 
and what Jacon and _espartos were to modem philosophy, 
Comenius was to educational practice and thinking*.(1) His 
real worth was reco^Ised in his own day, as is witnessed by 
the opinions of chancellor Oxenstiero, Samuel Hartlib and his 
Engl 1 ill group, his protectors de Geers, as well as by his 
numerous friends among pedagogical reformers. Thus, for 
instance, one M* Adam eirihelmer, superintendent of Essiingen, 
wrote to Professor Hesenthaler of Tubingen, also a good friend 
of Comenius, in almost extravsgent terns in praise of 
Comenius* didactic works. He does not know what title to 
give to G omenlus who is so far above all rectors, schoolmas¬ 
ters, and superintendents that all these seem like schoolboys 
beside hira. He shards Coraenius as combining in himself all 
the best qualities of the best teacher. "Vlr, inquara, de quo 
dublto, an ex ipso tota Didactica vel ipse totus ex Didactics 
sit confectusl* (2) Another one, John Adolph Tasse, a 
celebrated professor of mathematics in Hamburg, wrote to 

(1) Gubberley, the History of education, 1920, p.415. 

(2) See the letter of June 5, 1657 in Kv^ala: Eorrespon- 

dence, II, p.220. ^ 




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- 167 - 


Hart lib concerning the ’’Prodroaims”: n In all corners of 
Europe will the study of Pansophy and of the Improved didactics 
be pursued with zeal. And if ^oanenius did nothing more than to 
have strown the seed df such motives Into souls, every man must 
confess that he had done enough.” (1) Moreover, when one re¬ 
members jthe enormous (popularity of his Janua lingusrum” and 
"Orbia; Flatus'*, which were translated into practically all the 

7 K 

important European languages, as well as some non-European, 

A 

that- seeijis proof enough of the estimation in which their author 
was held,(2) > 

| Strafe to say, however, that his methods were not 
| followed by his Immediate successors. August Hermann Franeke 
! seems pot to have known Comenlus 1 2 Didactic a Magna, and the 
whole eighteenth century seems to have forgotten what Comenius 
strove for. But with Herder the true worth of Comenius began 
to be discerned, teibnitz also perceived, with a philosopher f s 
eye, the greatness of the man, and expressed his conviction: 
iempus sit, quo te Oamenl, turba bonorura 

Factaque spesque tuss, vote quoque ipsa colet.” 

Ahd the time came* Such men as president Nicholas urray 
Sutler of the Columbia University gave unstinted recognition 
to (,'omenihs in these words: 

”The place of comenius in the history of education, there¬ 
fore , is one of cot-auanding importance. He introduces and 


(1) In "Opera Didactica”, I, p*455. 

( 2 ) An Araerican reprint of the twelfth English edition of 
the ? *0rbi3 rictus” was published as late as 1810. 

S ! 





















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dominaues the whole modem movement In the field of elementary 
seco.kuiry education* :11s relation to our present teaching 
is similar to that held toy Copernicus and Hewton toward 
modem science, and aeon a d Descartes toward modern philos¬ 
ophy. Yet be waa not, in a high sense, an original mind. 

ut his spirit was essentially modem and remarkably receptive. 
He assimilated the ideas that were inspiring the new civilisa¬ 
tion and applied them to the School 11 . (1) thus Leibnitz*s 
prophecy lias been fulfilled at least in one particular, os far 
as Gomenius* educational reforms are concerned. 

As a theologian, Gomenius had rendered his Church the 
great service of having represented in his writings the entire 
field of theological learning. The "Unitas Frotrum” was 
never greatly given to composing or elaborating systematic 
theologies. It prided itself more upon purity of morals and 
rigorous church discipline than upon foriial theological learn¬ 
ing. uomonlus presented in his writings a unified theological 
rendering of the current tenets of his Church, althou^i he can 
not be spoken of as a constructive or creative theologian. 

His service was that of conserving rather than creating. (2) 

In this he simply reflected the spirit of his Church, which, 
as already mentioned, was not interested in formal theological 
science. 

But in the field of what Dory called "the practical 
divinity", Gomenius* place is again highly honorable. Being 

(1) See Dubberley; Readings in the History of ducation, 

Boston, 1920, p.356. 

(2) Gf. von ^riegern: Johann Amos Gomenius als theolog. 
Leipzig, 1881. 




















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- 169 - 


a man of* deop religious spirit, his writings throughout stress 
piety rather than theological acumen, and life rather than 
learning. "To dispute, to quarrel and to c mtend with one 
another is not the way ordained by Christ for the edification 
of the Church (I pray, mark ye all!), but it was devised by 

Satan to afflict the Church...VYhen Christ was leaving 

this earth he described the true way on this wise: do ye, 
teaching all nations! And what? Teach them to observe all 
whatsoever I commanded you. Pehold, here is the way in which 
the Church of the New Testament should be edified: to teach 
men piety, that they nay observe all what the Lord commanded." 
(1) This insistence upon inner piety and pure, godly life 
make Comenius one of the moat important forerunners of the 
Pietistic movement of the late seventeenth and the early 
eighteenth century. All the elements of later Pietism could 
be found in Comenius, except the "conventicles", for which 
his Church had no need. One could as well point out the 
numerous passa es in his writings in which Comenius* inter¬ 
est in the conversion of the non-Christian peoples is indi¬ 
cated, for it forms an integral part of his pansophic 
scheme. (2) This gives him an enviable distinction of being 
among the first who saw and felt the obligation of the 
Christian Church in the matter of the foreign missionary 
enterprise. 

Such was the place and influence of this great man, who, 

(1) laggaeus redivivus, chap. XXI. 

(2) see, for instance, "Via Lucis", ch. XXI, 23, where 
comenius outlines a tentative program of foreign missions 
by advocating missions to the Iiohanimedans first, then 
to other non-Christian nations, and finally to Jews. 









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- 170 - 


’* working amongst Czechs, Germans, nglish, Dutch, Swedes, and 
Hungarians, with friends in France and Italy, has won by his 
thought as well as by his life, a universal significance. As 
philosopher and divine, in union with ;.ndreae, Dury, Milton, 
and others, he devoted his life to a work of peace. He 
placed the weal of man, as he termed it, above the respect 
for languages, persons, and sects; thus his energies were 
directed toward restraining the wrangling people, churches, 
and classes from the violent utterance of their differences, 
and leading them on the ground of early Christian views to 
mutual peace and forbearance. As educationalist, inspired by 
aeon, he successfully asserted the claims of experimental 
science in the elementary schools of his time, placed the 
mother tongue on the list of subjects of instruction, and 

l 

Included in the conception of the school the idea of physical 
culture. By his demand for education of all children, he be¬ 
came one of the fathers of modern elementary education'* • (1) 

B. EVALUATION OF COMEHIUS 1 IR2HIC PROGRAM. 

list value do s the irenic program of Oomenius possess 
for the solution of a similar problem today? To ask oneself 
that question is to realize immediately that neither his or 
any other thinker’s scheme is entirely adequate to cope with 
the situation as it is at the present time; but because of 
that, his suggestion can not be discarded entirely. There 

(1) Quoted in Monroe: Camenius, p.172. 





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- 171 - 


are some elements in the program of comenius which are of 
transient character, having been based upon principles no 
longer adequate; but there is much in it which is of ermanent 
value, and rich in potentiality for the solution of the modern 
problem. 

In the first place, the program of Comenius reduces itself 
to the proposal of an escape from creedal and speculative 
theology by return to an unsectarian. Biblical system of 
Christianity. This system was to be governed by the three 
norms of induction, reason, and the divine revelation* Con¬ 
sidering first the principles upon which comenius proposed to 
build his system, one iiraaedlately perceives it to be a 
curious mixture of inductive and deductive methods. As was 

t 

entirely natural for a man of his age, he placed the Bible in 
the position of the highest criterion of all truth, in science, 
history, ethics, as well as religion, and subordinated every¬ 
thing else to it. That, of course, is a flat contradiction of 
the inductive method which he professed, and yet it wa3 not 
such to him. In the spirit of an orthodox, theologically 
trained thinker of the seventeenth century, he regarded the 
Scriptures as verbally inspired of Cod, and therefore as abso¬ 
lutely inerrant in all things. On such premises he could not 
conceive of the possibility of a contradiction between the 
Scriptures and nature, for in both the same God of Truth was 
revealed. Truth is one, whether found in the Scriptures, or 
in nature, or in human consciousness. There was but a single 
exception to this statement, and that was in favor of the 





























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- 172 - 


Soriptures. Slme they were the highest and fullest revela¬ 
tion of God and His will, they could be and properly should 
be regarded as the most reliable of all sources of truth, and 
any conclusion drawn trxm Scriptural premises took precedence 
in authority before any other induction drawn from the world 
of things or reason. It was on this basis that Comenius 
opposed the Cope mica n theory, regarding it as contrary to 
the teaching of the ible. 

But the modem Biblical criticism affords a truer unaer- 
standing and a deeper appreciation of the real genius of the 
Bible than that which prevailed in the days of comenius. 
^ceordingly, the Bible is understood to be a record of the 
gradual development of the true concept and consciousness of 
God, traced mainly in the history of one religiously supremely 
gifted race, the Hebrews. The Book attempts to teach no 
science, nor is it primarily a text-book of ancient history. 

ith this truer insight into the genius of the Bible one 
is not tempted to argue the question of organic evolution 
on the basis of the book of Genesis, nor to build a 
practical missionary program on the foundation of a literal 
interpretation of the eschatology of the books of Daniel and 
Revelation. Thus to demand, with comenius, an absolute sub¬ 
mission to the letter of the Scriptures in all matters what¬ 
soever, ife seen to be contrary to the very genius of the 
Bible itself. A religious system based on the notion of an 
absolute inerrancy of the Bible in the sense in which 
Comenius proposed it, is not inductive in its method and 










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- 173 - 


would merely add another to the deductively produced 
"religions of authority" which prevail in the world. 

Moreover, it can be gravely doubted whether any such 
system as proposed by Comenius could be denominated " unsec- 
tarlan", or free from any particular theological interpreta¬ 
tion. Comenius himself, as has been shown in the study of 
his treatment of the "non-evangelical" groups, exhibited no 
desire to recognise any but the "evangelical" bodies as in 
harmony with "the doctrines of Christ and his disciples". 

hether consciously or unconsciously, he is theologically 
classifiable as holding a system of modified Calvinism, and 
one would certainly be Justified to suppose that his "unsec¬ 
tarian and Biblical" system of Christianity would in general 
bear the same character. Of course, the works that survived 
do not present us with his finished irenie program; but such 
tentative descriptions of his system as survived leave no 
reasonable doubt in regard to its theological character. 

s for th© proposal itself of a general Biblical system 
of Christianity in place of the various theological interpre¬ 
tations thereof, much the same criticism applies. In his 
"De rissldentium", Comenius suggested the Kew Testament 
Church as the noma and model of the church which was to be. 

But the picture which he painted of this Church did not 
much resemble the one which the critical scholarship of to¬ 
day affords. It was an idealised, fanciful dream of a perfect 
society of saints, united in mutual love, and forming one 
homogeneous and unanimous body. It was largely a subjective 



























































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- 174 - 


projection of the ideals of comenius back into the 
apostolic times* 'oreover, he naively considered the 
doctrinal and ecclesiastical development of the early Chris¬ 
tian centuries a product of no other forces and influences 
than those of M Christ and his apostles. * it would be unjust 
to reproach Comenius with ignorance of the true development 
of the v/nureh during the early Christian centuries, for he 
merely shared opinions of his day in this regard. But 
conscious of his idealization of the early Church, the Chris¬ 
tian vhurcn to-day can hardly share his conviction of the need 
of an unconditional return to the church as it was in the 
Hew testament times, for that ideal which Comenius depicted is 
in the future, not in the past. The Church which Comenius 
projected into the pest never existed in reality. This is 
not, however, a denial of the genuine spiritual power which 
animated the early believers, and so marvelously transformed 
the lives of many of them. It is merely a protest against 
the indiscriminate idealization that prevailed in the 
seventeenth can vary • 

secondly, to make this ideal New Testament Church 
normative ibr all times, it must be presupposed that primitive 
Christianity had an organisation, a system of faith, and a 
set of ordinances, definitely intended to be permanent and 
universal. Moreover, that the Church to-day possesses such 
a clear and reliable account of all these items that it may 
ascertain and establish them indubitably and to the satis¬ 
faction of all by a process of simple exegesis. But the 









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- 175 - 


simple fact of the matter is that the apostolic Church had 
no such organisation or system of beliefs or ordinances, and 
that to this day the various denominations claiming to hold 
to the apostolic ideal fail to reach unanimity as to the 
interpretation of what the primitive Church did possess. These 
bodies, moreover, differ considerably in what they regard to 
be fundamental in faith, practice, and organization, and all 
attempts to unite them on the basis of the cow Testament 
ideal have hitherto failed* 

On the other hand. If the unifying principle be found 
not in the letter but in the spirit of the Tew Testament 
church, with its loyalty to hrist, and its emphasis upon the 
"pirit-filled life, and its appreciation of the diversity of 
manifestations of the same Spirit, then possibly the proposal 
of comenlus may be found suggestive and fruitful. )f course, 
we do not mean to assert that comenius himself would have 
understood it in that sense* For him, Christianity, after 
all, was reducible to a certain amount of clearly defined 
doctrinal statements, acceptance of which was necessary to 
salvation. He advocated elimination of certain abtruse 
theological subtleties, but that did not mean that he did 
not insist as strongly as anyone of his age upon the accept¬ 
ance of a simple but definite, dogmatically formulated, 

"corpus doetrinae*. But since the suggestion of such an 
irreducible minimum of belief as required in Comenlan 
proposal is not generally found to be happily adapted as a 
solution of the preseat-day problem, that feature of it 










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needs to be brought into conformity with the requirements 
of the present task. Naturally, no such modification can be 
worked out her; suffice it to point oat that the Bible, re¬ 
vealing as it does the supreme God-eonsetoneness attained by 
the human race, is the source of the same God-consciousness 
to-day as it was in the past. It is this element of Supreme 
religious value which makes the Bible end indlspensible 
Integral part of any Christian religious system* But this 
element need not be limited to the Cal v inis tic interpretation, 
as Comenius unconsciously would have made it. 

But the most important positive and permanent contribu¬ 
tion of oomenius to the solution of the problem of divided 
Christendom is found in his suggested pedagogic method of 
procedure or application. Other leaders suggested that a 
system of doctrine acceptable to all mi$it be prepared, adopt¬ 
ed by the constituted authorities of the various ecclesiastical 
bodies, and then imposed by them upon the rank and file of the 
laity, comenius would not begin with the adults, but with 
the children, r.oreover, he would not try to impose it upon 
men, but to educate or lead them into a free and willing 
acceptance of his system. 

Comenius believed in education; he was convinced that 
"it may be obtained or brought about, that all men as they 
are made by one God after his image, destined to one end of 

blessed eternity with him; sent into the same schools of 

» 

this present life; furnished with the same requisites of 
necessary helpes, or are certainly apt to be furnished; so 











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-177- 


may they but suffer themselves to be led by the hand in common 
from a cor arson principle, through conmon raeanes t > common ends; 
why may wo not hope more serious study about serious things, 
and less stir about trifles, and by this more concord and less© 
difference?* (1) He firmly believed that the impressions and 
instruction received in early infancy and early childhood are 
fundamentally important, as they generally form the basis of 
the subsequent life. Prejudices fostered then can be eradicated 
onl with the utmost difficulty, if at all, therefore t e 
supreme importance of educating children in the right sort of 
religious knowledge, in such tenets as are common to all, in 
forming the young mind to recognise all other men as brothers 
and children of the same Father* Furthermore, the religious 
concepts that he proposed would form a substratum of the 
entire cultural system of education, and would be thoroughly 
homogeneous with it* He wanted to harmonize science and 
culture in all its departments, with religious concepts, and 
thus to educate all the powers of man into one harmonious 
and complete individuality. This could be accomplished by 
training all children in a thoroughly unified educational 
system, which would combine the intellectual and physical 
training with moral and religious culture, and would thus 
aim to develop the whole individuality. 

The modem world is moving in the direction suggested 
by this feature of Gomenius* prograin, it is generally 

(1) *A pattern© of Universal! Knowledge", p.23. 







fc?Tf \| " n;-K • t: ..•* • h. ® .-V.. "- ■ ' • , ■ lAt9T- 

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-178- 


recognised that education is the greatest force for the im¬ 
provement of the world, and in more recent tiroes the educa¬ 
tion of the whole man is stressed more than ever before. 
Religious education is quickly coming to its own proper 
evaluation and place in the educational program, for the 
world realizes that only religion can direct the human spirit 
into the highest and noblest channels. If that be true, 
the time will come when the pedagogic method, as in general 
suggested by ^omenius, will be applied also toward the 
solution of the problem of divided Christendom, by unifying 
it by means of a car soon homogeneous culture, in which religion 
forms a proper and integral part. This task would involve 
revolutionising of much of the prevailing religious conceptions 
as well as in the accepted educational system, and it would 
take generations before it would become effectual in its re¬ 
sults, but in the end it would be the only real solution of 
tiie problem* »ben that is done, then the irenie ideal of 
coatenius will have come to its own. 


> j com 


APFEHDIX 


A* The relation of Comenian "universal college” to similar 
Ideas of other thinkers* 

The Oosnenlan idea of an "universal college" was not 
new* 'The seventeenth century was an age of "utopias", in 
which various schemes of "ideal states" were constructed* Ine 
n ed but mention such well-known works as Thanes Carnpsnella ’ 8 
n llvitas oils", t *rancis Paeon’s "Psw Atlantis**, .7Ohn Valentine 
Andreae’s ’Christ ianopolis”, or the less known work of Samuel 
Gott, H l!ova Solyma" (1) or lastly Hartllb’s "Description of 
the famous kingdom of . ecaria" . These worlds of fancy describe 
various ideal states, in which an organisation or college of 
learned men is depicted as devoted solely to the improvement 
of human know ledge or conditions of life. Thus, for Instance, 
the "!?ew Atlantis" speaks of the "Solomon’s ’cruse’', which is 
a powerful organisation of learned men who busy themselves 
with collecting knowledge, with experiments of various kinds, 
and with improvement of the means of human existence. The 
most remarkable feature of this brotherhood is that their 
work is based on inductive methods, on empirical investigation, 
rather than on Aristotelian mediaeval ism. The same general 
proposal is feruai in "ndreae’s ”Christianopolis", where- a 
college of natural sciences is found, which also relies on 
empirical investigation for its method* This idea of a 
college, or an association of learned men for purposes of ad- 

(1) gee Held: Ciu* 1st ianopolis. Hew Yor*c, 1916, p*75 ff. 



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- 180 - 


vaaciag knowledge, became widely spread and led to the 
founding of various secret societies. In Germany, Andrea# 
sought to establish a truly Christian society on the basis 
of his "^hristianopolis", and later on the basis of a 
similar treatise, "Dextra amoris porrecta". In faot, such 
a secret society, known as *Autilia” was founded near Riga 
on the Baltic, and corresponded in general with A ndreae* s 
plans. (1) In England, where Baconian ideas of 11 Solomon*s 
House** as well as the fame of Andreae*a society were fully 
alive*(2) Hartlib published as far back as 1641 a pamphlet 
dedicated to the "Long Parliament", entitled: n A brief 
description of the famous king, ora of ? acaria, showing its 
excellent government, wherein the inhabitants live in great 
prosperity, health and happiness; the King obeyed, the 
nobles honoured, and all good men respected; vice punished 
and virtue rewarded. An example to other nations. In a 
dialogue between a scholar and a traveler*” Its goal was 
n aslisting and promoting all undertakings in the support 
of which mankind were interested. Every invention conducing 
to the public benefit, every valuable work of literature, 
every defense of Christianity, and endeavor to promote unity 
among Christians, every charitable foundation lacking 
assistance, were to be encouraged, refreshed, and upheld 

(1) i:va£al»: Die padagugische ieform des Somehiua* II, 
p.172-173. 

(2) There is a letter of Kubner sent to listorfeld of 
Transylvania , who also belonged to the hartlib group, 
in which Hubner asked for a more detailed inf ormation 
about the society of "Dextrae ajioris". See Kvacala: 

.orrespondence Korn., I, (1897) p»49. 



















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- 182 - 


group, and especially by Hubner 1 2 s letter, and after the per¬ 
sonal conferences with Hartlib during Comenius* stay in 
London. Let us remember the significant fact that it was in 
the very year of Comenius* visit to London (who came there on 
September 22, 1641) that Hartlib* s ” acaria” was published, 

(the preface of which is dated October 25, 1641) and this 
book certainly preceedod the "Via Luc is", now Hartlib* s model 
for this utopia, as he expressly states, were Sir -Thomas 
oore*s "Utopia" and Sir Francis Bacon*s "New Atlantis":”...... 

moreover, I have given my ideas the form of a fictitious 
narrative as that seemed to be the fitting method, wherein Sir 
Thomas Moore and Sir Francis Bacon, once the Lord Chancellor 
of England, served to me as an example".(1) Nothing is said 
about Andreae. The same i3 true of comenius. When the 
Parliament finally made the proposal of assigning one of throe 
colleges near London as the seat of the "pansophie college", 
Comenius expressly remarks: "so that nothing seemed more cer¬ 
tain than that the design of the great Verulara— (Francis aeon 
of Verulam) concerning trie opening somewhere of a universal 
college, devoted to the advancement of the sciences, could be 
carried out”.(2) Moreover in the "Via Lucis" itself, where 
this suggestion of a college is made, he considered England as 
the moat suitable place for the erection of such an institu¬ 
tion "in memory of the excellent Verulam the Chancellor of 
England, from whom came the first suggestion of conferences for 

(1) Althous, Lemuel Hartlib, p.212. 

(2) "Opera Bidaetica", introduction to part II. 













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the Improvement of sciences. (1) The same is true of his 
“Fansophiae diatyposis", where after mentioning the college, 
he follows it with a quotation from Bacon, thus conjoining 
the two.(2) Therefore, it is quite evident that Comenius 
himself traced the idea of the college back to Bacon, and 
does not mention Andreae in this connection at all# Of 
course, as for the question whether or not Bacon derived his 
idea from Andreae, that is not within the scope of this 
study. But womenius clearly considered Bacon to have been 
the originator. 

It is quite a different matter, however, when wo speak 
of a general suggestion of the pansophic ideals, which 
Comenius does ascribe to Andreae. We learn that from a 
parenthetical remark of Comenius in a letter to Hesenthaler, 
where he describes his losses sustained in the great fire 
of Lissa in 1656.(3) 

(1) "Via Lucis" chapter XVIII, 10# 

(2) "A Patterns of Universall Knowledge'*, London, 1651, p.179. 

(3) patera: Korrespondence Kora., (1892) p#189. 








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- 184 - 


B. Cor;ionius * ^all to the President of the Harvard 
College. 

Cotton Mather, In his "Hagnalla Christi Americana", 
has a curious note in regard to the call of comenius to the 
presidency of the Harvard College. He says: "That brave 
old man, Johannes Amos Corarieniuc, the fame of whose worth 
hath been trurapetted as far as more then three languages 
(whereof everyone is endeboed unto his Janua) could carry it 
was indeed agreed wlthall, by our Mr. inthrop in his travels 
through the low countries, to come over into Hew-England, 
and illuminate this Colledge and country in the quality of a 
President. But the solicitations of the Swedish Ambassador, 
diverting him another way, that Incomparable Moravian became 
not an American. B (l) Blodgett, in an article "Was Comenius 
called to the presidency of Harvard?" (2), thinks that 
-omenius may have been asked by Winthrop in a general way 
about his willingness to accept the position, for Pres. 
Dumter did not resign till October 24, 1654. Yet, Cotton 
Mather, whose father. Increase Mather, was president of 
Harvard (1634-1701), had an exceptionally good opportunity 
to learn this bit of unrecorded history from a highly 
reliable source, ihus, in general, Blodgett does not think 
the whole matter improbable. 

This position, however, leaves too many difficulties 
unanswered. The whole subject is involved in obscurity and 

(1) Cotton Mather: Hagnalla Christi Americana, Hew Haven, 

1820, vol. II, book IV, p.10. 

(2) 'ducational Review, 1898, 16,-391-393. 





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- 185 - 


contradiction, in Wisthrop'o "History of New England* there 
is no mention of '"inthrop*s being away in Holland during the 
year 1642, but on the contrary he is mentioned several times 
during the year in connection with various official func¬ 
tions, Thus on ilarch 18, 1642, mention of his re-election 
for the office of governor Is rade. Then he is referred to by 
title in the record of July 1st, and July 8th, when he pre¬ 
sided over the meeting of the general court. Then on March 
10, 1543, he was re-elected to his office again.(1) Consider¬ 
ing the minute detail into which his "Journal” goes, it 
seems unthinkable that be could leave his duties and travel 
in Europe without any explicit mention of it in the records. 

In fact, it would be safe to say that such an assumption is 
without the least support. And yet the phrase that "the 
solititotions of the Swedish embassador diverting him another 
way" points indubitably to Comenius* passage through Holland 
in the fall of 1642. 

But on the other hand, Mather places the paragraph in 
question immediately after the record of the resignation of 
pres. Dunster on October 24, 1654, and after the paragraph 
continues: "On November 2, 1654, etc." Thus it would be 
most natural to assume that Mather understood the offer of 
presidency to comenius to have been made after the resigna¬ 
tion of pres. Dunster, i.e., in 1654, Instead of twelve 
ear earlier, for he does not indicate in the slightest that 


(1) :inthrop: "A History of New England" 2 vols., Boston, 
1854, vol.II, p*76 ff. 













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Uie chronological sequence has been disregarded in that 
particular paragraph. But in that case two difficulties 
co; if rant us: Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts could not 
have been travelling in the "low countries”, for he had 
died in Boston on March 26, 1649 (O.S.)j and Comenius was 
not travelling in the Low Countries, either, for he was 
then as Saros-patak till June 22, 1654, and renoved thence to 
Lissa. 


It is indeed possible that the Winthrop in question was 
the * 1 * sssachusetts* governor 5 s son, John Inthrop, Jn., later 
governor of Connecticut. As a matter of fact, the junior 
inthrop actually travelled in England during Camonius* stay- 
in London. He sailed for England on August 3, 1641, in order 
to exert personal influence with his friends to gain them for 
his various enterprises. Be arrived at Bristol on Meptember 
28, as he tells his wife in a letter sent a little later. (1) 
He stayed in England less than two years, leaving for 
America in May 1643* (2) There is evidence to show that he 
was acquainted with the ilartlib group, and corresponded with 
some members of it even after his return to the colonies. 

He may have met Ocsaeniua, and may have spoken with him, in 
a general way, about the intellectual condition of the 
colonies. On such an occasion it is possible that he may 


( 1 ) 

( 2 ) 


See Massachusetts Historical Collections, Fifth Series, 
vol. VIII, p.35. 

aters, 2.F.: A Sketch of the Life of John '..Interop 

i e Younger. Publications of Ipwlch Historical Society, 

VII0900)p.32 ff. 



















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- 187 - 


have expressed a desire to gain Coraenius for the struggling 
college of the Hew v:orld, although it is difficult to con¬ 
ceive how he could have officially offered him the presidency 
of Harvard* Beyond t JLs sumise the reference of leather to 
the incident in question can not be authenticated* (1) 


(1) The same adverse jud^aent is expressed by Monroe in his 
"Coraenius" (p.78-81), although he does not suggest the 
possibility of substituting the younger for the elder 
7 - inthrop* 





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-180- 


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ron: wonenius als Padagoge im Urteile seiner eitenossen. 

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» 







' 

(.11 VJH.o *? ,. . jjl 




(* x T • ;: Vu 


' ^ '■*' ?>■' <* - ■ ‘ * - r •' f " ’ «' - . - t .;;;• C 


• r ‘ ?£i' .-'ll! 


>3 eomrscle . . 

. . 







• •' •*> ; 9Kl 

■ 








* ■ 




• ' - . - y 















- 189 - 


Chluraecky; Karl von ierotin und seine 2eit* 1564-1615. 2 

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2 vols"in I. 




. 




. 

. 


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- 190 - 


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elier L.: Die bohsalschen Cruder und ilire Vorlaufer. (n.C.G., 
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Bchrlften. Berlin, 1914, Also in Bohemian translation of 

R. Augenthaler: J, A* Komensky. Pralia, 1921, 

ivacala, J,: Die padagogische reform des comenius in Deutsch¬ 
land bis sura ausgange des XVII. Jahrhunderts. (' umrnenta 
Germaniae Pedagogics, XXVI, XXXII. Berlin, 1903-4. 

Ivs^ala, J.: Irenisc Me Bestrebun zur Zeit des droissigjah- 
rigen rieges. Sonderabdruck aus Acta et comraentationes 
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hvacala: lur lebengeschichte Comenius. (M.C.G., I, p.109, 

196, 275; vol II, p.39, 73, 137, 178, 226, 273.) 

Kva£ala, J.: -ur Korresuondenz des Comenius. (M.C.G., X, 
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Kvadala, J.: Ilartin Opitz und comenius. (M.C.G., XII, p.35.) 

* > 

Lasitius, J.: Obras Jednoty Geskobratrske . 1920. 

Mauri© , S.3.: John *Mnos ..omenius, bishop of the Moravians. 
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Lion, G.Th.: Padagogische Schriften des Comenius. Langen- 
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Lippert, ax; Johann ie inrich Alsteds p^gagogisch-didaktische 
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Lukasiewicz, Jos.: 0 koseiolach Braci czeskich w dawnej 
ielkiej-Polsce. Poznan, 1833. Translated into German under 
the title: Geschichte der bohmischen Bruder in Grosspolen. 
Gratz, 1877. 


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-192- 


Lubienieoki: Ilistoria reformationis Polonieae. 1685. 

Hampel Karl: Dio interkonfessionellen Friedensideale des 
camenius. (U.C.G. , I, p.93 ff.) 

asson, David: The Life of John Milton. 7 vols. Vol. 3 
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'<Bhrke, H.A.H*: Joliann Ana® Komenius und Johann Valentin 
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onroe, w.s.: Comenius, the 7"vangelist of modem pedagogy, 
1892 . 

onroe, ;.S.: comenius and the beginnings of educational re¬ 
form. New :ork, 1907. 

i*azL., a . ,/a.. .os o: /cask.’. ra , • . 

4ller: comenius: ein systexnatiker in der Padartogik. Dres¬ 
den 1887. 

■ ♦ 

Duller, J. Vh.: Die Doutsohe Katechisruen der b6hrdLsohen 
Bruder. (Konuiaenta germaniae pedago lea, vol. IV.) 

Siller, J. ^h.: Die Bilder des Comenius. (M.C.Q., I, p.205.) 

Hebe* \mi Cotaenius studienzeit in Herbom. (M.C.Q., III, p. 

78 ff.) 

llovak, J.V.: Jan os komensky, pracovnik o bud era cl dobro 
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ovak, J.V.: Jan Amos Koraensky, jeho zivot a spisy. Praha, 
1920. In the course of publication. 

NOV&C, J.V.: 0 P° O vsevednych nazoru na jeho 

zasady paedayogiok^ • rahn, 1898. 

7T ov&k, J.V.: 'omonskeho idea svetove akadenie mlrove. (ITase 

Doha, XXIV (1917) p.405 , 496.) 

Novak, J.V.: Die letzten pansophischen schriften des 
Comenius. <*'.€.G. VIII, p.221.) 

Hovak, J.7. • o irenick^ch Mtotfeh Jana Amosa Koneadceho. 

(pec | I .nledy, XXI, (1908) p.593-601.) 

iiovi^k*J.V.s Das alteste pansophiaehe art des Comenius. 
(M.C.G. , IV, p.242.) 

Opoeensky, Hanus: Protireformace v uechach. Praha, 1921. 

palaciy: r&jlny ccske do roku 1526; do 1848 od V. Tcaaka. 

palacky, Pr.: Urkundliche Beitrage sur Gesciiehte Bohmens. 
(1450-1471). (Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, vol.20.) 








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-193- 


Pappenheim, Eugen: Johann Aoa Comenius. Langensalza, 1892- 
98, 2 vols. 

Pusch, C.: Coiienlua un seine ezlehun^n zum Neuhumanismus, 
• reader*, 1911. 

Pust, R.: Johann Buraeus und der Unionsgedanke. (l!.C.G. , 
XVII, p.44 f.) 

Radlach, 0*: Der Aufenthalt des Coimenius in Thorn iia Rerbst 
1634. (M.C.G., I, p.69») 

adlach: Her vufenthalt dos Conenius in Luneburr. (1647). 
(M.C.G., II, p.S7, 127). 

Rezeks Deje Cech a oravy za ' erdinanda IH. Praha, 1890. 

Rezek: DSje *:ralovstvi v V oskeho. Praha, 1891. 

Kozek: Rejopis mdsta Prahy. 12 vols. Praha, 1892-1901. 

Roth: Jdhann !I. Alsted (1588-1638). Rein Leben. (M.C.G., 

IV, p.29.) 

back, Karl II.: Die evangelische Kirche und die Union. 

Brenen, 1861. 

Sander: Comenius, Bureaus, Figulus. (M.C.G., IV, p.322.) 
Schmid: Jesc.iehte der Rrziehung. Especially vol. III. 
Schwelnitz: The Nistory of the Church known as the Unitas 
h*atrnn. Bethlehem, 1885. 


Rersdorfu: Knihy pamstne o nepokoCjnych letech 
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skdla, avel ze tore: ' Historie cirkevni. dited by K. 
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Slavata, Vll&a: Prehlod nabosenakych d&jin Seskych. Praha, 
ovetovi knihovna. No. 1044-1046. 

Slavik, Fr. A.: Jan Blahoslav a Bratri Ce&ti. (Osveta, 
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Snyth, Ifowmm Life of John Bury, (constructive Review, 
June 122.4.) 

Snyth-Ralker: (editors) Approaches to Church Unity. New 
laven, 1919. 




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-194- 


Sosalia, Jos*.: rak MdQ Z QMMMSlGji smfriti tri cirkcvoJt 

strany v nglicku. ( eska Skola, lx, p.149 ff.) 

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Tomek: D$Jg kralovstvi Ceskeho. Praha, 1876. 

iopke, G.: Die ; atrikel der Universitat . eidelbergs, 1386- 
1662. 3 vola. * 

Urbanek Hud oil*: Vek podebradsky, I-II. (in Desks D£jiny, 
III, part 1 and 2, United by V&clsv Novotny. Praha, 1918.) 

Vaughn, Robert: he rrotectorats of Oliver Cromwell. 2 vols 

london 1838. 

Vyaaani ueske z roku 137.(z o ifessio Bohoriica) Edited by 
Ferd. Hrejsa. Opstovice, 1903. 

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history, III, ch.21.) 

aters, , .F.: A Sketch of the Life of John Winthrop the 
Younger. Publications of Ipwich ist. Society, VII, p. 32 ff 


orthington, John; The Diary and Correspondence of....Edited 
by James crossley* Chetham Society, 1847, 3 vols. 


echiin: R os COBtenius.^ (In ” Samralung ge«e inverstandiIcher 
wissenschaftlicher 'ortrage. Heue Fol-e, VI. Serie. Ham¬ 
burg, 1892.) 

, 5 laks Bibliografie Joske istorie. V4X* V., svazek 
l-o. Praha, 1312. 


Eoubek, F.J.: Roi.iensky a vyvracenl Zesna polskeho 1. 1656. 
(Osveta, 1886, p.C34, 911.) 


.oubek, P.J.s Skoly za n^bozenskeho r&znoverstvi v Jechach. 

(Osveta 1830, p.733, 8o2, 986.) 


oubek, F.J.s Kamensky jiti b&I take do Ameriky. (Osveta, 
1007, p.456.) 

jubek, F.J.: Komensky smirce k^estann. (Skola a Zivot, 
1689.) 


oubek, F.J.: Karaonsk&io polemikach theologickych. 

(C&apls Eusea Ceskeho: 1883, 1886, 1890.) 

oubek-Novtlk: Ivot Jana osa Komenskeho . Praha, 1892. 









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A PARTIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OP THE .ORES OF COhEHIUS. 

1. 1612-16.36. LInquao Bolie; icae thesaurus, hoc est Lexicon 
plenissimum, Gro .;atica occursta, id lot i siuopuiu elegantiae et 
emphases adagiaque. The entire work lost in the sack of 
Lissa in 16 6. 

2. 1616. Grammaticae facilioris praecepta. Lost. 

3. 1617. LIstove do nobe. (pauperum opnrossoruia clamores in 
ooelura.) In veskcre Spisy, Brno, 1910, vol. XV. 

4. 16.;:-, 1 U>4ltj hrad JMMMI osuodinovo. (The impregnable 

castle—the name of od.) la Veskcre Spisy, vol. XV. 

5. 1622. Premyslovani o dokonalosti f kres€ianske. (Thoughts 
on Christian perfection.) In veskere Spisy. XV. 

6. 1623. Truchliv^. (The ourner.) In Vesker6 Spisy, XV. 

A german translation, "Stisane der trauer-% by Frans laaienik, 
in r . ,G. , XVII, p.97 ff. 

7. 1620-21. praenonitionea ad versus ntichristiana s seduc- 
tiones. In the Bohemian Muscrum at Prague. 

8. 1623. Labyrint Sweta a Lusthaus Srdce. In Vesk6re Spisy, 
XV. Translated by count F. Lutsow: ’’Labyrinth of the or Id 
and Paradise of the Heart.” London and Hew York, 1901. 

9. 1624. 9 Sirobe (concerning Orphanhood.) In eskere 

Spisy, XV. 

10. 1625. Centrum Securitatis. In Ve&kere Spi3y, XV. 

11. 1625- ideni a ,jeweni hristoffa Setters. 

12* jDidactica Magna Omnia docendi artIficlum exhibens ets. 
Translated into German by 2. A. Lindner: “rosse TTnterricht- 
slehre, mit einer einleitung: J. A. Commenius, sein leben und 
airken. ien, 1886. In Padagogische klassiker, I* Also Into 
English by He a tinge, M. The Great Lidactic of John Amos 
Garneniu3. 2nd od. London, 1910. 

13. Schola Infantiae. Till 5. horiroe edited the English 
translation of this work under the title: Comonius' School 
of Infancy, Boston, 1896. 

14. 1628-30. J. A. cosaenli Janua Lin uarum hescrota. Trans¬ 
lated in^o English by John Tnchoran, and published in Tendon 
(3rd edition) in 1637 under the title "The Gate of ongues 
unloc ;od and opened.” This edition, as well ns that of London, 
1650, 1659, 1673, ore found in the Harvard College Library. 












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- 196 - 


15• 1632. KHMutio ..closiae Bohemia©. 

i >homlan version, 'Historic o tfczkych protivenstvich cirkve 
<feske w , was published in Prague, 1888. 

1 ’. X 6 3d* R a 11 o : % scipl inso 9 rd ini sque e o c l .oi in Uni tat© 

Fratrum Bohemorum. Tn Veskere Spisy, XVII. 

17. 1632 taggaeus Rodivlvus. In Veskere Splay, XVII. 

18. Otasky ncktere J cd.no to Jeskycli ratri. (Son© q uestions 

co ! '.- ratrutt Bohemorum.) In Veskere Spisy, 

XVII. Hrno, 1912. 

19. 1632-33. Physicae ad lumen dlvinum reformats© synopsis 
philodi&aeticorum et theodidacticorum oonsurae exposita. 

^esker^ Spisy, I. Brno, 1315. An edition with a Herman transla¬ 
tion by I>r. ^ • Reber published at Gisae, 1836. 

20. 1634. Comatuu ^omenianoriJin ’'raeludla ex bibliotheca 5.H. 

d edition* sf 9 1633, bore the title: Prodromns 

ophiae. In Veskere Spisyl. A German translation by J. 

iior in comenius: wahlte schriften, 

Leipzig, 1874. <pada ;o ische ibliothok, XI.) / copy of the 
edition of London, 1639, and Luyduni Batavorun of 1644, are 
found in the Harvard college Library. 

21. 1635. hlaaeni. (Response). ' dited by hr. Jos. fb, Puller 

in Spisy J. A, no: I o, cis. 3. Praha, 289$# Also in 

Veskere Spisy, XVII. 

22. 1638. Frage, ob Kristus sich selbst auferweeket. 

23. 1637. Ceata Pokoja. (The way of Peace.) In Veskere 
Spisy, XVII. 

24. 1638. Conotuura Pansophicorum Lilucidatio. In Veskere Spisy, 
I. Iso in oeger-1outbecher: Ausgewahlte Schriften, Leipzig, 
1874. 

25. 1641. Via Lucis. APtfiterdam, 1668.* A copy of this work 
is found in the U iversity of Illinois, Library, Urbana, Ill. 

A Bohemian translation by Josef Smaha, under tli© title Cesta 
Svbtla”, was published at Praha -Troj, 1320. 

26. 1641-43. J. A. Comenii Pansophiae Diatyposis. Tlie ster- 
da edition of 1645 is found in the Library, U.S. Bureau of 

ducat ion, Washington, D. C. An English translation, under 
the title a A Patterne of universall knowledge, in a plain and 
true draught: or, Bxstyposls, etc. .^ondon, 1651, is xound in 
the Library of .ongress, ashington, D.C. 

27. 1644. Judicium de Judicio Valerian! agnl Mediolanensis, 
Super Cstholicorura et T 4catholicorum Credendi Regula. Library 
of the University of Gottingen. 


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- 197 - 


28. 1644-46. ■ inguarum J-thodua "ovisnina. Ia Vesko -4 Spisy, 

Brno. 1911. i translat.on by Josef Suite* 

ejfcovdjsi netoda jazykd, was published at Hychnov, 1892. A 
copy of it is found in the Library of Congress. 

29* 1645. e rerum Hmaanorum mendatione Consultatlo Catholics, 
pars I. :> anegersia. A Berman translation in Beeger-Leutbecher: 
Ausgewahlte Schrifton, Leipzig, 1874. Part VI. A Bohemian 
translation of t is work under the title f n^prave v&ci 
lidskyeh porady obecne J and containing both "Psnegersia" as 
well as the second part entitled ”Panaugia" was made by Josef 
:iaha, and published at ?i*erov, 1888. 

50. 1645. Judicium Ulrici Neufeldii de Fidei Catholicae 
egula uathoiica. In the Library of the University of Gottingen. 

31. 1646. Christ ianismus reconeillabilia reeo noil iat ore 

- oristo. iever publiaiied. 

52* 1648. Independentia aeternarum Confusiorairn Origo. In "Ceska 
Bkola'*, 1898. Translated by Josef hinaho • 

oo. 1650. :3sft umira^jici matky Jednoty Bratrske. (The last 
Ill of the dying mother, the U :ity of brethren.) Praha- 
Vinohrady, 1894. German translation, ft Das testament der 
sterbender Mutter 1 *# by Dora Perina, in M.C.G., XVI, p.25 ff. 

34. 1650. Sohola Pansophica. In Opera Didactica Omnia. Amster¬ 
dam, 1657. A copy of this work is in the Library, TJ* S. Bureau 
of education, ashing ton, D. C. 

5 . 1651* her o seeretus liathanis ad J avidem. In vacala: 
Borrespondence Boraenak^ho, Praha, 1902, p.249 ff. 

36. 1635-55. Orbis sensualium pictus. In Opera T idactica Omnia. 

37. 1654 hchola Ludus seu ncyclopaedia viva. In Ve&kere 
Spisy, IX. Brno. 1915. 

38. 1654 Gentia Felicltas. In B.vacu jrrespondence Bonen- 

Si^eho, IX. (:9G2) p.362 ff. A an translation by J. V. 

Lov&k: Siesti sfroda, hv£tova nihovna, cis. 235. 

39* 1657. J. • c> . 0 omenii Opera Didactica Omnia, ab anno 1627-1657 
continuata. Amsterdam, 1657. A copy of this work is in 
possession of the Library of the U* 5. Bureau of Education, 
ashlug ton, D. c* 

40. 1657-87* Lux in ^-e.iebris. The English translation by R. 
condringtons The Prophecies of christopher Kottorus, 

Christina poniatovla, and Nicholas Drablcius, London, 1664. 

41. 1660. Bmutny hlas. (A Sorrowful Voice.) dited by B. 
Soucek, Praha, 1220. 
















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42. 16G0. De Bono Unitatis at ordlnis dleciplinaeque et 
obedientiae. translated by John -ymarchus under the title: 

An exhortation of the Churches of Bohemia to the Church of 
England. London, 1631. A copy of this rare translation 
is in the Hewberry Lib ary, .hisgo. Ill. 

43. 1G60. De Ironico Ironicorum. Amsterodami, 1660. A 
copy of this work is found in the Library of the University 
of Illinois, Urbana, Ill. 

44. 1661. De Tterato Sociniano itersta ad ^hristlanos admonitio. 
steroda 1, 1661. >ound together with the preceding work. 

46. 1661. Docinismi Speculum. AmBteroda-i , 1661. Bound to¬ 
gether with the two preceding works. 

46. 1662. dnonitio tertia, I. Ad D. -wlckeruia, etc.; II. Ad 
Christiano3, etc. 

47. 1662. Confessio aneb i’otfet z viry z UA^enl I I nvl 

ednoty ratri lesk^ch. {.vOnfesslon, or Description of the 

Faith, Teaching, and Religion of the Unity of Bohemian 
Dr et fir on* ) Edited by Dr. Ford* Urejsa, Praha, 1918. 

48. 1668. Angelua Pscis ad legates pacis Anglos et Belgaa 
Bredam missus etc. 

49. 1668. Unum ecessarium. A Bohemian translation made by 
r. Jar Audvikovsky: Jednoho jest poti^ebi. Praha, 1920. 

A l-erraan translation by F. Seciua: Po3 allein nothwnndige, 
published in Berlin, 1845. In possession of the Library of 
the University of Illinois, Urbana, Ill. 

oO. 1670. TricrtiUB catholicum. Published by Jan Stenc, 

Prague, 1922. A Bohemian translation by Josef Unaha, in 
Kamensky" 1905-1906 • 

51. correspondence of comenius: t 

patera: KorreapondencQ Koraenskeho, Praha, 1892. 

gvacala: lorreepondcncc Komensk&io I (1897) and II (1898). 
Dvacaia: Correspondence Kcmenskaho (1902). 


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